Category Archives: Llangollen

A material connection between Plas Newydd (Llangollen) and Brynkinalt (Chirk)? (Plas Newydd #5)

Introduction

Brynkinalt, near Chirk

Brynkinalt, just outside Chirk

I went with a friend on a guided tour of the house, partly because it looked stunning, but also because I have been exploring the places with which Lady Eleanor Butler and Sarah Ponsonby might have had connections that either influenced or directly contributed to Plas Newydd.  By “influence” I mean the decorative styles that could have had an impact on the way in which the decorative vision of Plas Newydd in Llangollen was born and developed.  By “direct contribution” I mean the acquisition of the pieces of wood, glass, tiling, etc that make up the fabulous pastiche of decorative arts at Plas Newydd.  Photographs were permitted outside, but banned in the interior (which is still a family home) so I have been unable to include anything much to supplement the descriptions below.  xxx

Plas Newydd in Llangollen

Brynkinalt was of particular interest not only because, thanks to the excerpts from diaries and letters of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby, I knew that the ladies had been visitors to the house, but because reading up on the house informed me that it had been a Jacobean creation that had been radically altered in 1808 whilst the ladies were resident at Plas Newydd.  If I understand Lady Eleanor correctly, she would not have been shy about asking for unwanted decorative features if they became available.  My introductory piece about Plas Newydd is here, and the full series of five posts can be found here (including this one).
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Brynkinalt

The Coflein description of Brynkinalt, is as follows:

Brynkinalt, 1808 wing

Brynkinalt, with the new wing added in 1808

[T]his 1612 building now forms the central portion of the present brick built hall. The additions of 1808 include the single-storey wings on either side of the south front, which were further lengthened to include a billiard room and conservatory on either side. Two conservatories, now gone, were inserted into the south front between the cross wings. The west front was extended northwards to include an extensive service wing. All the extensions were castellated and the entire building was stuccoed. Work began in 1928 and stopped during the war to be taken up again in the 1950’s to reduce or remove the nineteenth century additions: the stucco was removed, except at the end of the east wing, and the large service wing which housed the kitchen at the rear was demolished except for the outer range which remains.

Brynkinallt consists of two principal floors with recessed bays, forward wings and a central porch. The doorway is has a Gothic pointed arch with a studded oak door and crest over, set below a label mould which rises to a string which extends between floors completely around the front elevation. The windows are ogee-moulded behind a chamfered surround, mullioned and transomed: 5-light to the porch chamber, 4-light to the ground floor of the wings, 3-light above and 3-light without transoms to the attics.

The interior is largely in a heavy Classical style. Of specific interest is a fine marble seventeenth century chimneypiece with a heraldic over-mantel with carvings. There is a great stair hall of 1808, with a gallery, Tuscan columns

The description gives something of a sense of how much Brynkinalt has changed since it was built in 1612. The Great Hall, for example, replaced a courtyard surrounded by some 50 rooms, so as large as it is, the house is now much more modest than it was originally.

Brynkinalt rear aspect

Brynkinalt from the rear, showing some of the gothic-style lancet windows installed in around 1808

The exterior retains much of its Jacobean appearance, albeit with the addition of some Gothic-inspired elaborations.  Removal of most of the 19th century external rendering has restored the splendid brickwork to view on the most visible parts of the house, although there is still much to be done at the rear, which gives a very good sense of the task that has already been undertaken.  The interior has been radically remodelled, with only the oak-panelled hall providing a sense of the Jacobean house.  Nearly all of the other Jacobean decorative arts and furnishings vanished due to Lady Charlotte’s re-imagining of Brynkinalt, and although the current interior is attractive and imaginative, it retains only pockets of its Jacobean heritage and it is not known what was done with the stripped-out Jacobean interior when those rooms were replaced.
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Links between the owners of the two houses

Anne Wellesley Countess of Mornington

Anne Wellesley, Countess of Mornington, mother of Arthur Wellesley,who became the Duke of Wellington. Source: Wikipedia

The connections that tie these two houses together were very confusing at first.  Family histories make my head spin, and not in an enjoyable way, but it was necessary to get to grips with the essentials. This was firstly because if the ladies were actively collecting when the house was being refurbished they might have benefitted from the unwanted decorative features and furnishings, and secondly because when Arthur Wellesely, the first Duke of Wellington, visited his grandmother Anne Hill-Trevor at Brynkinalt he also visited Eleanor and Sarah and, on at least one occasion, is said to have brought them decorative gifts.

The Viscountess Dungannon Anne Hill-Trevor (1715-1799), née Anne Stafford, wife of Arthur Hill-Trevor, the First Viscount of Dungannon (second creation, the first title having expired) lived at Brynkinalt and was partially responsible for introducing Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby into local society, sharing both family and friends in Ireland with the two ladies.  Anne’s daughter, also Anne (1742-1831), married the first Earl of Mornington, Garrett Welsley (1735-1781) with whom she had nine children, one of whom was Arthur Wellesley (1769-1852) who became the first Duke of Wellington.  As mentioned above, Wellesley, before he was awarded his title, visited the ladies when on visits to his grandmother at Brynkinalt.

Dungannon (Brynkinalt) visits to Plas Newydd. Source: Early Tourists in Wales.

Dungannon (Brynkinalt) visits to Plas Newydd. Source: Copied from the Early Tourists in Wales website.

When the first Viscount died, Anne remained at Brynkinalt.  Their only son having died, the title passed to one of their grandsons, who became the the second Viscount of Dungannon, another Arthur Hill-Trevor (1763-1837).  It was his wife Charlotte (1763-1823) who initiated transformations of Brynkinalt, beginning in 1808, which removed much of the Jacobean architecture and interiors and added new kings featuring spacious rooms, large windows, tall ceilings, a plethora of ornamental columns and lightly coloured walls to replace dark panelling. Anne and Charlotte, between the date of Charlotte’s marriage (1795) and the first Viscountess Anne’s death (1799), were briefly contemporaries at Brynkinalt.

The diaries of Lady Eleanor report that even after Anne’s death in 1799 (the year that they received a gift of a cow from the estate, as well as venison and partridges sent with a messenger), visits to Brynkinalt continued.  Elizabeth Mavor says that in 1805 “there were jaunts to Porkington, Brynkinalt [and] Aston,” and an earlier reference in the journal to playing cards at Brynkinalt suggest that they were still welcome visitors. Certainly in January 1805 they were at Brynkinalt when the journal provides a short account of meeting someone who had arrived in St Petersburg the day after the assassination of “Emperor Paul.”  Other visits may well have coincided with the period in which Charlotte, the second Lady Dungannon (died 1823), was beginning to make her transformations in 1808.  Mary Carryll, who had accompanied Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby from Ireland as their servant and good friend, was on visiting terms with Lady Dungannon’s upper servants.  The visits were probably less frequent, but there are clear indications that they continued, and Michael Freeman’s EArly Tourists in Wales website records that Lord and Lady Dungannon continued to visit the ladies at Plas Newydd.
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Direct contributions?

The removal of Jacobean features by Lady Charlotte probably included panelling, overmantels, doors, and furnishings that would not have fitted into her hybridized Neoclassical vision.  Unwanted carvings and furnishings could have been snapped up by local dealers and salvage companies, and some of it may have been purchased by private collectors.  As I have already mentioned above, if there were items going spare, it seems entirely likely that Lady Eleanor would not have been at all shy about asking for any unwanted decorative items.

Library window in Plas Newydd, with wyvern closely resembling that of Brynkinalt in the landing window at Brynkinalt at bottom left.

Sadly, in spite of the strong suggestion of the timings of Brynkinalt being remodelled as a fashionable country house over the period when Plas Newydd was becoming a showcase for earlier decorative arts, it is impossible, from the very few remaining pieces of Jacobean carving left at Brynkinalt to do anything more than speculate that some stripped-out pieces of Brynkinalt carving may now adorn the walls of Plas Newydd.

The stained glass, however, may be another story.  Plas Newydd is stuffed with stained glass fragments that are patchworked together to fit particular spaces (I have written about the stained glass here, based on the survey by Mostyn Lewis).  There is one tiny corner of Plas Newydd, a single quarry/tiny pane of glass that suggests that a piece of Brynkinalt stained glass has found its way to Plas Newydd (see photo above).  In the Plas Newydd library there is a black wyvern (dragon with two legs) with a gold crown around its neck, standing on a red cushion, which had formerly been framed in a gold lozenge.  This is such a good match for one at the top of the Great Hall staircase at Brynkinalt that it seems likely that the Plas Newydd fragment does derive, however it was acquired, from Brynkinalt.  It would be interesting to see if there are other connections of this sort between the stained glass fragments at Plas Newydd and the surviving stained glass panes at Brynkinalt.
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Influence?

Strawberry Hill House, Twickenham.

Strawberry Hill House, Twickenham. Source: Wikipedia

The absence of any formal research into any possible relationship between the two houses means that the evidence for direct influence is minimal at the moment, but the indirect influence in the form of the communication of ideas, could well be detected in Plas Newydd, and this lies in both the shape of the lancet windows and the stained glass.

When Plan Newydd is discussed, it is often in the same breath as Strawberry Hill in Twickenham, where Sir Hugh Walpole created an imaginative extravaganza to celebrate past styles, reinventing the Gothic to produce something that emulated architectural features but took a far more light-hearted, frivolous tone.  The same comment was made on the Brynkinalt guided tour concerning the changes made by Charlotte, Viscountess of Dungannon.  Lady Charlotte introduced Gothic-style window tracery in some rooms, arcading in the conservatory, castle-style turrets and crenellations, lending Gothic flourishes to a dominantly Neoclassical vision.  Whether or not the Ladies ever saw images from Strawberry Hill is not clear at the moment.  They had an a voracious appetite for experiencing the world vicariously via books and newspapers, so it is entirely possible.   It is extremely likely, however, that they could have had first hand experience of the new Gothic windows and the other modifications at Brynkinalt.

 

Prismatic arch, Plas Newydd, Llangollen

Library side of the prismatic arch, Plas Newydd

The most obvious potential influence on the stained glass is the large window on a landing at the top of the stairs leading from the Great Hall to the gallery, in which the glass is arranged in a similar way to that in the bedrooms at Plas Newydd.  There are also over-door panels of stained glass that would have been good models for the “prismatic arch” between the dining room and library at Plas Newydd.
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General Yorke and George Hunter Robertson

Although General Yorke owned Plas Newydd between 1876 and 1890 and George Robertson owned it between 1890 and 1910, and both contributed to the decorative features of the house, it seems unlikely that either were linked in any material way with Brynkinalt.  Any connections are likely to have been purely sociable.  General Yorke was a member of the Yorke’s of Erddig, another aristocratic family on the Wales-England borders, so there may have been polite connections.  George Robertson was a wealthy cotton trader from Liverpool, an outsider to the area with no previous links to Llangollen or Chirk.  Although he was an important resident in Llangollen, there is no sign of any synergy between the two houses.  In short, there is no indication that Brynkinalt or its owners had contributed anything to Plas Newydd after the deaths of Anne Hill-Trevor and Charlotte Hill-Trevor.
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Final Comments

Wyvern, Plas Newydd stained glass

Closer view of the wyvern at Plas Newydd. Apologies for the poor quality of the image, which is partly behind a curtain and on the wrong side of a rope barrier.

It will require a far more detailed investigation than my quick visit to attempt to unravel whether the connections between the owners of the two houses resulted in the transfer of any of the decorative arts from Brynkinalt to Plas Newydd.  At the moment the presence of any direct and indirect influences are purely speculative.  It probably occurs to anyone reading this that the most obvious thing to do would be to contact the Brynkinalt office to see if they have any additional input on the subject.  I did try, but received no reply, so if anyone else has anything to contribute on the subject, please do get in touch.

The visit to Brynkinalt was interesting in its own right, with a lovely exterior including a small formal garden that was meticulously manicured, and was showing splendid late summer colour.  There are many treats in store for the visitor in the interior, but the feature that completely stole my heart was the tiny first floor stone-built conservatory overlooking the valley below, an extravaganza of floral bliss with arcades and pillars.  The bougainvillea alone was wonderfully exotic.  For movie enthusiasts, the house was the the setting for Lady Chatterley’s Lover, and the stories about how this happened and the steps required to make the house ready for filming are a real eye-opener.  It was more than somewhat daunting to hear about the sheer amount of work and the corresponding costs associated with renovating and maintaining the building, and there is still much to be done, particularly to the exterior.  It was a good couple of hours well spent, and I recommend one of their open days.
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Panel commemorating the 1808 alterations at Brynkinalt

Panel on the rear of the house commemorating the 1808 alterations at Brynkinalt


Sources

Books and papers

Mavor, Elizabeth 1971, 2011 (2nd edition). The Ladies of Llangollen. A Study in Romantic Friendship. Moonrise Press.

Mavor, Elizabeth 1984.  Life with the Ladies of Llangollen. Viking (hardback).

Websites

Age of Revolution – Making the World Over 1775-1848
Wellington’s Places: Brynkinalt Hall. Some Welsh and Irish connections. By Dr. Mick Crumplin
ageofrevolution.org/themes/society/wellingtons-places/

Based In Churton
Splendid stained glass patchworks at Plas Newydd, Llangollen (Plas Newydd #2)
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/2025/05/16/spendid-stained-glass-patchworks-at-plas-newydd-llangollen/
Introduction to Plas Newydd in Llangollen: A packed extravaganza of the decorative arts (#1)
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/category/llangollen/plas-newydd-llangollen/

Brynkinalt
Home page
https://www.brynkinalt.co.uk/
(Brief details are also included in Brynkinalt advertising leaflets)

Coflein
Brynkinalt; Brynkinallt Hall; Bryncunallt, Chirk
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/26866

Early Tourists in Wales
The Ladies of Llangollen
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/
Descriptions of Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/descriptions-of-plas-newydd-and-the-ladies-of-llangollen/
Visitors to Plas Newydd
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/visitors-to-plas-newydd/
Plas Newydd: List of Visitors, Alphabetical Order
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/visitors-to-plas-newydd/plas-newydd-list-of-visitors-alphabetical-order/

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Plas Newydd, Llangollen #4: The Gorsedd Stone Circle for the Eisteddfod of 1907-8

Introduction

Plas Newydd and the Gorsedd Circle seen from a high vantage point. Source: RCAHMW

In the garden at Plas Newydd in Llangollen a 60ft (18.3m) diameter stone circle with a large stone at its centre is partially overlooked by some rather nice topiary.  It is probably no surprise that the stone circle is not prehistoric, because it would be infinitely better known if it was, and a real tourist attraction in its own right.  It was built in 1907 to host the Proclamation ceremony that preceded the 1908 National Eisteddfod.  During the 1908 Eisteddfod it had a specific ceremonial function. The circles used during the eisteddfodau (plural of eisteddfod) are known as cerrig yr orsedd (stones of the throne or Gorsedd circle), which refers to the Gorsedd ceremonies that take place within the circle, and which are explained below.  When Mr George Robertson, who owned Plas Newydd in 1908, agreed to host the Gorsedd circle and decided to make it a permanent addition, he added a new aspect to Plas Newydd both at the time and for perpetuity.  Brand new at the time of its creation, and part of a tradition that had only been established in 1819, it has now become a piece of heritage in its own right.

This post looks at what a Gorsedd stone circle represents and how its particular character contributes to the eisteddfod tradition, and then describes how the Plas Newydd circle was assembled and used and what it means today.

I did the background reading for this piece as much for myself as for readers, because I had only the fuzziest view of what an eisteddfod might be, how it related to the national and, on the other hand, the international events, and what on earth a Gorsedd might be.  It turns out that this takes rather a long time.  I have tried to tackle the terms and their histories succinctly but clearly below.  All sources are listed at the end.  If you would prefer a PDF version without images (except for two that are necessary to show the layout of the circle) please get in touch.

Throughout the post I have used eisteddfod with a small “e” to refer to local and provincial events, and with a capital “E” to refer to the National Eisteddfodau.

You can find parts 1-3 of this series on the fabulous Plas Newydd, the house shown in the photograph above, by clicking here.

  • Developing a rich Welsh cultural heritage
  • The growth of the eisteddfodau
  • The example of the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod
  • The Plas Newydd Gorsedd Circle
  • The Question of Authenticity
  • Final Comments
  • Visiting
  • Sources
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Developing a rich Welsh cultural heritage

Before a discussion of the Gorsedd circle is possible, a few concepts from Welsh cultural history need to be addressed.  The Gorsedd circle is only one component of an event called the Eisteddfod, with a specific ceremonial role within that event, connected to the bardic tradition of Wales.  These terms, foreign to many who live outside Wales, are an essential part of the language of Welsh literature and song, and are explored below.

Eisteddfod

David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill at the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod

When David Lloyd George visited Snowdonia in 1908, in the company of Winston Churchill, he visited the Llangollen Eisteddfod.  He spoke in the pavilion about the power of the mountains, the valleys and the rich cultural history of his homeland.  It is this sort of perceived power of the Welsh landscape and its history that formed the basis of some of the early ideas about the heritage of the eisteddfodau and what they might achieve.  Lord Rhys ap Gruffydd of Deheubarth is usually credited with having ordered the first formal competitive eisteddfod 1176 to take place at Cardigan Castle.  The word eisteddfod is made up of two terms eistedd (sit) and fod (be), which, according to Hywel Teifi Edwards translates roughly as “sitting together” and is a type of local festival, fair and pageant celebrating Welsh music, literature, theatre and language.  In the 18th century the growing perception of the importance of Welsh culture to Welsh identity resulted in a number of new initiatives and organizations, and resulted in a renewed interest in the eisteddfod as an engine of Welsh cultural progress.

The eisteddfod, being a non-political but vibrant statement of Welsh pride in its literary and musical traditions, became an important tool for promoting Welsh solidarity and supporting the sustainability of Welsh cultural traditions and language. At the conclusion of the 1908 Llangollen National Eisteddfod it was concluded that one of the positive features of the event was that the Eisteddfod has a great education value as well as supporting Welsh culture.  The Bishop of St Asaph took up this theme at the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod, saying that the Eisteddfod not only rewarded excellence but encouraged those that aspire to excellence, pointing out that the competition was open to poor and rich alike, and accessible to those who were self-taught as well as those who had attended seats of higher learning.

Every town to host a National Eisteddfod host is selected two years in advance of the event, and the date and competitions to take place are announced at a Proclamation Ceremony (Gorsedd y Cyhoeddiad) at least a year and a day in advance of the actual opening ceremony.  The stone circle, whether temporary or permanent, is required at the time of the Proclamation so that the ceremony can take place within it, before being once again needed for the opening ceremony a year later.  This system of formal proclamation echoes Lord Rhys’s own 1175 proclamation for the 1176 eisteddfod, announced a year in advance to allow competitors to prepare.  The development of local and provincial eisteddfodau into the National Eisteddfod is discussed below.  Local, provincial and national eisteddfodau could all occur simultaneously, each with its own goals in mind.

The bards

Proclamation Ceremony at a tiny symbolic Gorsedd circle in 1888 at Brecon

The revived eisteddfod celebrated the bardic tradtion.  The earliest use of the term “bard” refers to Welsh-language poets who, in the medieval period, were professional poets, and usually maintained their professions by being itinerant.  They were honoured guests at the homes of nobility and in monastic premises as orators of poetic forms including poetic versions of accepted history.  The best of these bards were widely lauded, valued members of society and are referred to extensively in medieval literature.  Guto’r Glyn, for example, was a famous 15th century bard who lived for a time at Valle Crucis Abbey, just outside Llangollen, and wrote about the architecture as well as the hospitality he received whilst there in flattering terms (see, for example, the Valle Crucis page on the Guto’s Wales website).   Whilst this type of poetry was undoubtedly entertainment, it was also a form of artistic endeavour and was recognized as such.  Bards often performed at local eisteddfodau where winning prizes helped to establish them in bardic circles, but rarely beyond.  By the later 18th century, when the eisteddfod became associated with the Gorsedd ceremonies, many of the bards were working class and would have had full time professions, writing in their spare time.  A bard would usually have two names, the one with which he (and later she) was born and the one he or she picked as a pseudonym, a type of stage name, and a tradition that is retained today.

Druids

Pages from Stukeley’s Stonehenge showing Stukeley’s impression of a British druid. Source: Stukeley 1740

A revival in Druidism informed the ideas behind the Gorsedd ceremonies performed at eisteddfodau, but it was a form of Druidism that was based on wishful thinking rather than empirical knowledge.  Druidic traditions as they developed in the 18th century, although largely fictional, are based on a real historical religious movement that seems to have been widespread in Gaelic-speaking regions during the Iron Age (from c.800BC until the Roman invasion of Wales by around 78AD).  This period is sometimes referred to as “Celtic,” although that term is itself full of geographic, chronological and cultural ambiguity, implying an exaggerated degree of homogeneity over vast regions and encompassing significant variation in archaeological data.  Both Greek and Roman authors reference the Druids in Europe, particularly in Gaul (now France) and Roman writers later record encounters with Druids on Anglesey.  The earliest records that specifically mention Druids are no earlier than the 1st century BC, although as Miranda Green points out, they must have been in existence in some form from the 2nd century BC in order to have been so well established by the time they were being reported.  Although some of the historial information about Druids is contradictory, the available texts refer not only to religious belief and ritual (including sacrifice and divination) but also to the curation of knowledge, a culture of oral history and poetry, a judicial role, the application of health cures and a strong affinity with the natural world.

A revival in British interest in Druids and anything Celtic began in the 17th century with John Aubrey (1626-97).  Edward Lhuyd, Welsh linguist and antiquarian, produced his Archaeologia Britannica in 1707.  He argued that a common origin for language was shared by those who lived in Brittany, Wales, Cornwall and the Gaelic parts of Ireland and Scotland, and the term “Celtic” that he applied to these areas was widely adopted as a term referring to a common Celtic cultural heritage in these regions.  The first of the groups based on an idealized view of Druidism was the non-religious Ancient Druid Order established by J.J. Toland in 1717 on the back of a huge wave of interest in all things Druid, and in Wales the antiquarian Reverend Henry Rowlands (1655-1723) argued in his Mona Antiqua Restaurata of 1723 that the megalithic monuments on Anglesey were Druidic temples.

The fascination reached its apex with physician and antiquarian William Stukeley (1687 – 1765).  He argued that Druids had come to Britain with Phoenician colonists as priests from Tyre.  As Bruce Trigger explains, this tied into his belief in “a relatively pure survival of the primordial monotheism that God had revealed early in human history to the Hebrew patriarchs and hence closely related to Christianity” (Trigger p.111).  The tying in of Druidic history with Christianity has been an essential component of the sustainability of the Gorsedd tradition described below, practiced at the Eisteddfod which is often overseen and contributed to by Christian clergy.  Stukeley had a Druidic folly in his garden and had himself painted in what he imagined were Druidic style robes. His publications were popular and influential.  Druids were not merely respectable in the 18th century; they were fashionable.  The reinterpretation of Celtic artefacts and imaginary rituals by artists in the 18th and 19th centuries was often founded on imagined realities, false impressions and incorrect histories, but was hugely influential.

Gorsedd of Bards

Edward Williams, “Iolo Morganwg.” Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Belief in Druidism was essential to many parts of the part of the ceremonial component now a part of the eisteddfod known as the Gorsedd.  The word Gorsedd is a Welsh word meaning “throne.”  It was employed by former stonemason and bard Edward Williams (bardic name Iolo Morganwg, 1747 – 1826) for the name of his new group and nationalist manifesto, the “Gorsedd of Bards of the Isle of Britain” (Gorsedd Beirdd Ynys Prydain, now known as Gorsedd Cymru – the “Gorsedd of Wales”).  Williams  was brought up in Glamorgan, and knew the bards Lewis Hopkins, Siôn Bradford and Rhys Morgan when young.  Although his first language was English, Williams was brought up in Glamorganshire, where he was based for the majority of his life, learned Welsh and was an indefatigable activist on behalf of Welsh interests, advocating for a national library and a folk museum.  He travelled in 1771 and went to London in 1773 where he met members of the Society of Gwyneddigion, and attended their meetings.  This inspired him to set up an association of bards based on ancient traditions.

His Gorsedd of Bards was the tool that Williams used to promote Welsh culture, particularly that of south Wales, showcasing individuals who furthered the interests of art, music, literature and language. Williams was an interesting, if very divisive character.  In order to give his new group a strong historic validity he claimed a personal connection between himself and Iron Age Druids, whose knowledge he claimed had survived and had been passed down through generations in Glamorgan as a secret sect with a series of ceremonies into which he had been initiated by the last surviving Druid.  Antiquarian William Stukeley had made Druidism fashionable in the 18th century, and Williams was able to jump on the bandwagon.  To substantiate his claims and gain acceptance, he forged ancient manuscripts including a fake Druidic alphabet, which he presented to peers as authentic documents, which were widely accepted by the community of Welsh nationals in London, where he was temporarily living, including the influential Gwyneddigion Society. The account in the I884 Introduction of the Transactions of the Royal National Eisteddfod of Wales, provides a good idea of the sort of fraudulent history invented by Williams:

The records thus furnished, take us back to a time of Prydain ab Aedd Mawr, who is said to have lived about a thousand years before the Christian era, and who established the Gorsedd as an institution to perpetuate the works of the poets and musicians. But the first Eisteddfod, properly so called, appears to have been held at Conway in the year 540, under the authority and control of Maelgwn Gwynedd.* This was followed by a series of meetings held at varying intervals under the auspices of the Welsh Princes, among whom Bleddyn ab Cynfyn and Gruffydd ab Cynan were prominent as patrons and organizers; and the granting of Royal Charters by Edward IV for the holding of an Eisteddfod at Carmarthen in 1451, and by Queen Elizabeth for a similar festival at Caerwys in 1568 [quoted in Wikipedia: Transactions of the Royal National Eisteddfod of Wales, Liverpool, 1884] *Maelgwn Gwynedd (d. c. 547) was King of Gwynedd during the early 6th century.]

Page from Mona Antiqua Restaurata. Source: Internet Archive

It has to be said that Williams was not alone in seeking a largely mythological identity for Wales.  There was a precedent in Theophilus Evans and his 1716 book Drych y Prif Oesoedd (Mirror of Past Ages), which re-wrote Welsh history as an epic tale of Welsh descent from a grandson of Noah.  It has already been mentioned that in 1717 The Ancient Druid Order had been founded by J.J. Toland and that in 1723 the Reverend Henry Rowlands (1655-1723) published Mona Antiqua Restaurata, which sought and purported to find a Druidic explanation for prehistoric monuments on Anglesey which are now known to have been much earlier.  William Stukeley was convinced that the great circles of Stonehenge and Avebury were the work of the Druidic religion.

On 21st June 1792, Midsomer Solstice, Williams built a small stone circle on Primrose Hill in London, with a central stone as a ceremonial focus, and used it to formalize the membership of a number of supporters of Welsh culture into his Gorsedd of Bards.  Later in 1792, on September 22nd, this was repeated.  The ceremonies that he held in 1792 and afterwards were designed to reward the efforts of those who were making significant contributions to Welsh culture and its sustainability, framing these contributions and successes within a time-honoured Druidic tradition.

In 1795 Edward Williams returned to Glamorgan.  At the age of 70 he travelled to the Carmarthen eisteddfod, uninvited, and used a pocket full of pebbles to delineate a Gorsedd circle on the lawn of the Ivy Bush Inn.  There he ceremonially inducted a number of individuals to the Gorsedd, providing them with coloured ribbons to indicate their new rank of ovate, bard or Druid.  This was the first time that the eisteddfod and the Gorsedd were linked, and the second time a circle had been deployed.

Eventually, of course, Edward Williams was revealed to be a fraud.  Even some of his contemporaries were doubtful of his claims, with John Walters (1721-97) referring to his Gorsedd and its historical foundations as “a made dish.”  Rather more personally damning, William Williams stated flatly that “no vouches can be produced but the brains of Iolo Morganwg” (the latter being the bardic name of Edward Williams).   However it was not until the latter half of the 19th century that academics began to make their voices heard on the subject of the authenticity of the Gorsedd.  The very first Celtic professor at Oxford University, John Rhŷs, appointed in 1877, referred to the Gorsedd as “antiquarian humbug, positively injurious to the true interests of the Eisteddfod” (all quoted on the Peoples Collection Wales).

Archdruid Cynan (seated central) in 1956 at Aberdare. Source: Wikipedia

Although doubts were cast on the Gorsedd narrative, with many declaring it to be a fantasy, the false history provided by Edward Williams was not actually addressed until after the 1950s when Albert Evans-Jones “Cynan” (1895-1970), an ordained pastor of the Presbyterian church and tutor in the Extramural Department of the University College, Bangor, became Archdruid.  He held the position twice, from 1950 until 1954 and again from 1963 until 1966 and was a considerable innovator, responsible for declaring that the Gorsedd had no connection with ancient Druidism.  According to the Welsh Dictionary of Biography:

Endowed with a keen sense of drama and pageant, he realised that the Gorsedd ceremonies were capable of being made attractive to the crowds.  He brought order and dignity to the proceedings, and introduced new ceremonies, such as the flower dance.  He renounced all the Gorsedd’s former claims to antiquity and links with the Druids, and openly acknowledged that it was the invention of Iolo Morganwg (Edward Williams). He succeeded in gaining many new members, including some academics.”

The Druidic component of the Gorsedd ceremonies is now purely symbolic, but that symbolism still remains an important aspect of the display and ritual.  Whilst rejecting the historical links to Druidism, the Archdruid innovated new modern ceremonies that were more inclusive of Christian ideas, marrying them to Celtic symbolism to create a new hybridized approach that retained all the pageantry.

The invention of the Gorsedd of Bards is a truly extraordinary story, not least because it worked.  By weaving together a mixture of Druidic history (as it was then understood), Bardic tradition, and spurious historical reimagining supported by faked manuscripts, to lend his ideas credibility, Edward Williams was able to produce a new Druidic-bardic tradition, of which he was himself a key component.  As David Lowenthal says

History is customarily made more venerable.  those who magnify their past are especially prone to amplifying its age.  Relics and records count for more if they antedate rival claims to power, prestige or property; envy of antecedence plays a prime role in lengthening the past (p.336)

Williams did not just massage his data, he faked it, producing a Celtic documentary equivalent of Piltdown Man and like the forger of Piltdown, Williams targeted colleagues and influencers.  He used his invented platform of the Gorsedd to relaunch the institution of the eisteddfod as a celebration of Welsh culture. After his death, his son Taliesin worked to continue his father’s legacy.

Stone circles / Cerrig yr orsedd

A prehistoric stone circle in Happy Valley near Aberdovey, mid-west Wales with a friend standing for scale to show how relatively small it is.  Dates to the Early Bronze Age.

William Stukeley’s proposal that stone circles like Stonehenge and Avebury were Druidic incorrectly linked what were actually Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age monuments with Druids of the later Iron Age.  Even though there are stone circles in Wales, these tend to be small, particularly in north and mid Wales, and go out of use well before the Iron Age.  Stone circles were never a feature of the Druidic portfolio.  Although subsequent archaeological research placed prehistoric stone circles in a much earlier period, this knowledge was not available at the time. This means that neo-Druidic groups making claims on Stonehenge and other sites are doing so without any basis in the available archaeological data.  Edwards very cleverly adopted the stone circle as a useful motif and device for his Gorsedd ceremonies. Given Stukeley’s claims, this must have seemed perfectly reasonable and from 1819 was developed into an important part of the Eisteddfod, with custom-designed Gorsedd circles, cerrig yr orsedd, making very good use of a much older model to meet the Gorsedd’s own needs within the eisteddfod format.

The Gorsedd circle has survived into the modern eisteddfod, and although since 2004 it now uses portable fibreglass “stones”,  the circle continues to be a component part of the Eisteddfod.  As Archdruid Cynan demonstrated, a belief in Druids is not required to make the stone circle a very effective ceremonial container for some of the Eisteddfod ceremonies, and nor, apparently, is the authenticity of its materials.
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The growth of the eisteddfodau

The eisteddfodau up until the 19th century

There had been a long tradition of eisteddfodau in communities in Wales each adapting the festival to its own requirements at various different scales of endeavour before the idea of provincial, and later national eisteddfodau, were first explored.  After the first known eisteddfod of Lord Rhys in 1176, the tradition seems to have survived until the mid-16th century when it went into decline, but began to revive in the early 1700s.  John Davies refers to some of the earlier 18th century eisteddfodau as “often drunken and bootless occasions” (p.297), but the value of the event to national interests ensured that in the later 18th century the larger provincial occasions were far more sober and well-structured.  Whilst still being enjoyable festivals, pageants and fairs, they focused mainly on Welsh traditions and language, rewarding Welsh cultural output.  Welsh music and poetry were major components of these festivals, and so have literature, theatre and scholarship.

Wonderful Gwyneddigion medal awarded in the 1789 eisteddfod at Corwen. Source: National Museum of Wales

As suggested above, in the later 18th century a new interest in Welsh culture had developed both within and beyond Wales and new ways of finding expression of Welsh identity were sought via education, religion and publications.  Formal organizations grew up to highlight Welsh cultural distinctiveness and merit and to promote Welsh cultural values, many developing outside Wales to attempt to raise the national profile beyond the country’s borders.  Examples are the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion founded in 1751, the Gwyneddigion established in 1771, and the Caradogian Society founded in the 1790s.  As these initiatives took off, new means to market Welsh nationality were sought, and the eisteddfod was seized on as a vehicle for promoting these ideas of cultural identity and uniqueness.  In September 1789 the Gwyneddigion sponsored the eisteddfod in Bala and might have continued to do so if it had not been for the French Revolutionary Wars (followed by the Napoleonic Wars) when nationalistic activities were strongly discouraged in a climate of fear of sedition and revolution.

In the post-Napoleonic war period enthusiasm for the eisteddfod lingered, and in 1819 the first provincial eisteddfod took place in Carmarthen, when Edward Williams staged his first eisteddfod Gorsedd ceremony.  There were signs that the eisteddfod was becoming far more organized and flexible to new ideas.  Teifi Williams gives the example of how Edward Williams argued that as well as the cynghanedd, other freer forms of poetic composition should also be welcomed, claiming that this would reflect medieval traditions, but would also open the competition to more bards.  At the same time new sources of material were being sought and English songs translated into Welsh became part of the portfolio of Welsh music, absorbed into a narrative of Welsh national musical heritage, not particularly authentic but helping to contribute to the available material.

The Chair for the winner of the awdl in 1908. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Rewarding competitions and demonstrations of skill became increasingly important, with a beautifully designed wooden chair, being awarded annually to the winning “Chief Bard,” From 1867 a crown was also awarded annually, and medals began to be designed by well-known silversmiths to highlight the prestige of winning.  These medals would merit study in their own right.  Cash prizes were also offered to encourage participation and help bards to establish themselves after the events.  The competitions have been a particularly good opportunity for Welsh men and an increasing number of women to establish themselves as artists and scholars who might be lauded for their achievements further afield.  However, feeding into the format were English contributors and Anglicized Welsh landowners.  it was only in the second half of the 20th century that the occasions became more confidently and exclusively Welsh.

The institution of the eisteddfod was given a significant publicity boost in both 1828 and again in 1832  when the events were marked by royal visits.  King George IV  visited in 1828 at the Denbigh Eisteddfod and in 1832, although poor weather caused the proposed visit of Princess Victoria and her mother to the Beaumaris Eisteddfod to be cancelled, the winners were all taken to Baron Hill, where she was staying, to have their medals presented to them by the future monarch.  The winner of the Chair for a poem that year was the Reverend William Williams (bardic name “Caledfryn”) who wrote a poem that is well known even today: The Rothesay Castle (about a ship wrecked off the coast of Anglesey).

Lady Augusta Llanover became an important name in the history of eisteddfodau.  In 1834, using the Bardic name Gwenynen Gwent (the bee of Gwent), Lady Llanover won first prize for her essay The Advantages resulting from the Preservation of the Welsh Language and National Costumes of Wales.  As well as being a competitor in the 1834 eisteddfod, Lady Llanover (1802-1896) sponsored other eisteddfod competitors, promoted other Welsh traditions, including Welsh wool and costume, and was particularly interested in the Welsh triple harp. As with Edward Williams, English was her first language but she learned Welsh.  She was also a founder of the Cymdeithas Cymreigyddion y Fenni (the Abergavenny Welsh Society) founded in 1833 to emulate the Cymmrodorion society.  In 1835 as part of the Cymdeithas Cymreigyddion y Fenni she established a new series of ten  eisteddfodau in Abergavenny, which lasted until 1853:

By the time we reach the end of this exciting movement with the last of the Abergavenny eisteddfodau in 1853, it’s obvious that the Eisteddfod is on the threshold of a particularly exciting period. By then there were railways the length and breadth of Wales, and this made it possible to bring thousands of people from every part of Wales to the different venues where the eisteddfodau were held. A new era had dawned, and by the middle of the 1850s people were beginning to talk of a National Eisteddfod. The time had come to create one single eisteddfod, yearly, if possible, that would encapsulate Wales’s eisteddfod culture on an annual basis.  [Amgueddfa Cymru]

At the same time other local eisteddfodau continued to be organized, each doing things in their own way, so that the tradition continued to grow at all levels.

Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales. Source: National Museum of Wales

The provincial eisteddfodau had taken place in an atmosphere of national discontent.  From the 1830s the rise of Non-Conformism as an alternative to Anglicanism was widespread, and the working class Chartist movement was increasingly popular.  Following the French Revolution there was fear at a state level that protests like those in Newport in 1839, where a crowd of some 20,000 protestors was fired upon by soldiers, and the Rebecca Riots of the 1840s would escalate into something that would threaten national security.  It was the Welsh M.P. for Coventry, William Williams, who drew attention to the state of education in Wales, believing that the lack of English teaching in Welsh schools limited employment opportunities.  The result was the 1847 Report of the Commissions of Enquiry into the State of Education in Wales, which became referred to as the Blue Books due to the blue binding, and was later referred to as The Treason of the Blue Books after a play of that name was written and performed.

When the report was published it was scathing and sweeping in its findings. Welsh children were poorly educated, poorly taught and had little or no understanding of the English language. They were ignorant, dirty and badly motivated.  Welsh women were not just lax in their morals – many of them being late home from chapel meetings! – they were also non-conformist lax. To reinforce the power of the established church and to make English the required mode of teaching and expression in schools is the main thrust of the report. [BBC News]

To make matters worse, Matthew Arnold (1822-1888), an English cultural commentator, poet, Professor of Poetry at Oxford University, literary critic and inspector of schools considered that Welsh would die out and should be allowed to do so.  Writing in 1867, Arnold stated that “the sooner the Welsh language disappears as an instrument of the practical, political, social life of Wales, the better for England and the better for Wales itself.”  He was supportive of Celtic literature, but thought that in confining itself to Welsh, it failed to engage with mainstream poetic trends in Britain and Europe and would never be fully appreciated outside Wales.

The importance of promoting positive aspects of Welsh life in the face of the Blue Books and other detractors coincided with the increasing popularity of the eisteddfodau, and the establishment of the first National Eisteddfod helped promote Wales as a cultural presence capable of competing on equal terms with the English.

The National Eisteddfod

Silver crown from the 1858 eisteddfod. Source: National Museum of Wales

In 1858 the eisteddfod in Llangollen was a landmark event, the Great Llangollen Eisteddfod (Eisteddfod Fawr Llangollen).  In positioning itself as a national eisteddfod, it set the ball rolling for an official annual National Eisteddfod.  It was organized by John Williams “Ab Ithel,” one of the adherents of Edward Williams, and made a formal, official inclusion of Gorsedd ceremonies including a stone circle in which to hold them.  Michael Freeman notes that the circle for the 1858 event was removed after the event. Llangollen was a good venue because Telford’s improved Holyhead road, now the A5, had opened in 1826 although the railway did not open to passengers until 1862.  Llangollen had been a tourist destination since the late 1700s, when Lady Eleanor Butler and Sarah Ponsonby were in residence at Plas Newydd, and had continued to rise in popularity.  The 1858 eisteddfod was the first time that robes were worn instead of sashes at the Gorsedd, giving it a new feel and a greater Druidic atmosphere.  Most entertainingly, an essay was presented by one Thomas Stephens that set about overturning the pseudo-history in which Prince Madog ap Owain Gwynedd  had discovered America.  Unfortunately the set topic for the eisteddfod was The Discovery of America in the 12th Century by Prince Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd, for which a silver star medal was offered.  This had run counter to the type of message of Welsh supremacy that the organizers had been hoping for, and caused no little controversy.  Fortunately for the organizers, the poem that won the Chair by John Ceiriog Hughes (Bardic name “Ceiriog”) entitled Myfanwy Fychan of Dinas Brân was an instant and lasting success, creating a model of a virtuous and charming Welsh heroine, and referring to the local castle perched behind Llangollen.  In the 1856 and 1858 Eisteddfodau, the song Hen Wlad Nhadau (Land of my Fathers) by father and son team Evan and James James from Pontypridd was sung with such gusto that it was soon adopted as the Welsh National Anthem.

At the 1860 eisteddfod in Denbigh a decision was made to established a national body run by an elected committee to run a National Eisteddfod.  The first official National Eisteddfod took place in 1861 in Aberdare.  Subsequent eisteddfodau went to Caernarfon, Swansea, Llandudno, Aberystwyth, Chester, Carmarthen, and then Ruthin In 1868.  Innovations continued to be made.  For example, in 1862, in Caernarfon, a new Social Science category was added, which extended the scope of the Eisteddfod beyond the arts into the realm of the everyday Welsh living.  In 1863, although musical compositions had won awards and been performed to enthusiastic reception in the past, the Swansea Eisteddfod marked the first time that a medal was awarded for choral singing, and this became a major aspect of the competition from then on.

1904 postcard of Archdruid Hwfa Mon. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

From 1895 to 1905 the Archdruid was the Reverend Rowland Williams “Hwfa Mon,” the son of an agricultural labourer who became a carpenter and like so many of the stand-out characters in the Eisteddfod and Gorsedd, had received an education and found a path to an influential position.  From being a lay preacher he trained in the Bala Theological College and was ordained as a Congregational Minister in 1851.  He became a Bard at the Eisteddfod in Aberffaw in 1849 and rose through the ranks to become the first Crowned bard in Carmarthen in 1867 and Archdruid in 1895.  His main claim to fame is his role in fully integrating the Gorsedd with the National Eisteddfod, building on the ideas of Edward Williams, turning the Gorsedd component into a pageant with full ceremonial garb.

From 1910 costs for the National Eisteddfod became the responsibility of the a local committee, to be reimbursed by ticket sales for the main event, as well as for subsidiary events.  For the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod, for example, as well as turnstile takings, an Arts Exhibition, with items on loan from London and from local collectors, was ticketed separately.

In 1876 the first “empty chair” had been awarded at Wrexham, when the winning submission had died and the Chair was awarded posthumously to Thomas Jones (Taliesin o Eifion).  This was echoed in 1917 when the Chair was again empty.  The Chair had been awarded to Ellis Humphrey Evans “Hedd Wyn” (Blessed Peace) but Private Evans had died in the trenches whilst serving with the Royal Welsh Fusiliers.  The Chair was covered with a black sheet to indicate mourning.
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The example of the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod

The pavilion of the 1908 National Eisteddfod. Source: People’s Collection Wales (Llangollen Museum Object Reference 2005_20_42)

Using the 1908 Eisteddfod as an example, gleaned mainly from contemporary newspaper reports, holding the Eisteddfod was an important event for the town.  It is referred to as the “Ceiriog Memorial Eisteddfod” (after the bardic name, Ceiriog, of the winner of the 1858 Llangollen Chair), the “Llangollen Jubilee Eisteddfod”  or the “Royal National Eisteddfod.” It marked the 50th year anniversary of the Great Llangollen Eisteddfod of 1858, when the Chair was won by Ceiriog for Myfanwy Fychan of Dinas Bran.  Ceiriog was important to Llangollen, and is sometimes referred to in Welsh newspapers as the Burns of Wales, reflecting Welsh hopes to produce a poet who would be recognized outside Wales.

The organizing committee clearly felt under pressure as a comparatively small venue to put on a show just as impressive as those of its larger predecessors, and took the fact that it was the Jubilee year very seriously.  Local dignitaries were recruited to form a committee, including landowners, clergy, and civic officials, and and the entire community was involved in delivering the fully functional enterprise.  A 60ft (18.3m) stone circle was decided upon and built in 1907 for the proclamation ceremony (about which more below), and the design for the pavilion, after much discussion, was agreed.  It was made of wood with a corrugated iron roof, which was designed to be easy to dismantle after the event, but which actually managed to withstand the dreadful wind and rain in the Eisteddfod week at Llangollen.  It slighting was supplied by one T.C. Davies who used acetylene gas that cost the committee one third of what any other form of lighting would have cost them.  Usually the pavilion was the covered stage for the main events, including competitions and the awarding of prizes, and the circle was the focus of the Druid-inspired Gorsedd ceremonies, but because of the rain some of the Gorsedd ceremonies had to be conducted in the pavilion.

Details of the Week’s programme from The Welsh Coast Pioneer and Review for North Cambria 3rd sept 1908

As well as ceremonial and competition considerations there were the logistical arrangements required for a huge influx of visitors.  Extra trains were put on for visitors from the wider area including North and South Wales, Cheshire, Lancashire, Yorkshire and Staffordshire, and the railway station took measures to cope with the volume of passengers that they would have to process.  Extra police were brought in to help direct crowds and to cope with any wayward behaviour, and the Post Office arranged for extra mail handling requirements.  Even the Parish Church put on special services for the visitors, with a service delivered by the Lord Bishop of Ottawa, visiting from Canada.

After the opening ceremony in the Gorsedd circle, the Art Exhibition was opened by The Countess of Grosvenor on Friday August 28th with an opening speech by Sir Theodore Martin.  As well as two chairs once belonging to Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby, the famous owners of Plas Newydd up until 1831, there were items relevant to the 1858 Eisteddfod, including the wreath won by Ceiriog and the original manuscript of his winning Myfanwy Fychan of Dinas Bran.  Ab Ithel’s gold tiara and satin robe, and the hirlas horn were all present too.  Local property owners also supplied items of interest.  Of more universal interest were paintings by JMW Turner and David Cox, supplied by the South Kensington Museum.  There was also a demonstration of weaving, the Mile End Mills having loaned a loom, whilst other local companies supplied an oil engine and a card setting machine.  It was apparently visited by hundreds of visitors.  The art exhibition was ticketed separately.  It accompanied a set of papers delivered later in the proceedings on the subject of developing art in Wales.  The Cardiff Times (12th September 1908) commented that it was suggested that until national or public art galleries were established to provide public access to art within the Principality, “[a]rt in Wales is in the future and not the present.”  Although ticketed separately, the exhibition was apparently a great success.

Given that the competition for the Chair and Crown were both for Welsh-language verse, the winners were almost inevitably Welsh.  The Chair (shown in a photograph further up the page) was awarded to the the person deemed to be the prifardd (the main or chief bard) for an awdl a long-form poem written in strict metre according to specific rules around alliteration, assonance, and internal rhyme (cynghanedd), which was still expected to have emotional content.  In 1908 it was awarded to ordained preacher John James Williams (“JJ”) for his poem on the fixed theme for the awdl competition, “Ceiriog.”  John Ceiriog Hughes had been the winner of the chair in the 1858 Llangollen Eisteddfod, and his two daughters were on the platform during the ceremony and participated in the investiture.  The Crown was awarded to Hugh Emyr Davies (“Emyr”), a Welsh Presbyterian minister for his poem, awarded for free metre (pryddest) on the theme of Owain Glyndwr.  Both ceremonies were performed within the pavilion.  The announcement of the winner of the Crown was preceded by the bards appearing in their robes and paraphernalia, and forming an arc behind the Archdruid.  Two of the three judges (the other not in attendance) stepped forward and the unanimous judgment was given.  The poet “Emyr” knelt before local dignitary Mrs Bulkeley Owen for the crowing, after which he was accepted into the fraternity with the recital of poetry and a song.

A crown made in arts and crafts / art nouveau style that was given  to the winner of the free verse competition at the National Eisteddfod of Wales.  Made of silver, green enamel and velvet.  Produced in 1908 by Philip and Thomas Vaughton.  Source: Titus Omega via Art Nouveau Style.

Other competitions taking place throughout the week included prizes for literature; music (vocal, choral and instrumental as well as compositions); arts, crafts and science; sculpture and modelling; architecture; photography; designing and decorating; and wood and stone carving.  There were also prizes for different age groups, so that children could be included.  In between events there were many speeches, some by local worthies, others by more widely known individuals.  On one of the days both David Lloyd George (Chancellor under Herbert Henry Asquith) and Winston Churchill (President of the Board of Trade), travelling together, gave speeches.  The speech by Lloyd George was a somewhat romantic and hyperbolic view of Welsh history as derived from the mountains and valleys themselves and spoke of his pride in Welsh progress (described by one columnist for the Aberystwyth Observer as “a mere string of platitudes interspersed with florid compliments to his own country and people”); that of Winston Churchill referred to Wales as a “sea of song” and he hoped that that song would  endure and preserve what was best in the Welsh national character and faith.  A more interesting speech was by Mr Llywelyn William MP who “transgressed the time honoured rule which bans politics from the Gorsedd circle and the Eisteddfod platform by declaring he looked forward to seeing a national Parliament, like that over which Llywelyn the Great presided,” which was followed by applause [The Aberystwyth Observer, 10th September 1908].  The Bishop of St Asaph was invited to speak not because of his episcopal position but due to his eminence as a Welshman.  The speech by Sir Merchant Williams, which was reported in several newspapers, is quoted further below.

1908 menu celebrating the Patagonian visitors. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Off-stage, some of the more sensitive discussions were held, such as the important consideration of the Archdruid’s Reform Bill, (which was referred back to a committee for consideration due to concerns that could not be resolved) and the problems of the Breton Gorsedd delegation, which resulted in the statement that the British Gorsedd would never interfere with political or sectarian questions.  The event was also dotted with a number of concerts, receptions and banquets, including an event to celebrate the presence of some 50 delegates from Patagonia.  Importantly, it was also decided which town would win the competition to host the National Eisteddfod in two years time (Colwyn Bay was selected to follow London’s Albert Hall Eisteddfod of 1909).

Although the winners of the two main Welsh-language poetry prizes were both Welsh, no Eisteddfod was a purely Welsh affair.  Part of its purpose was to demonstrate that the Welsh could compete on equal terms with the English in music, and this meant that English competitors, as well as some European ones, were a big part of the Eisteddfod well into the 20th century.  Indeed, five Eisteddfodau were also held in England – in Chester (1866), Liverpool (1900 and again in 1929), London (1909, following the Llangollen Eisteddfod) and Birkenhead (1917), which one of the newspapers interpreted as a successful transmission of Welsh traditions across the border.

The last day featured a brass band contest, after which the end of the Eisteddfod was marked by a splendid display at Plas Newydd to celebrate the success of the event.  The Llangollen Advertiser provides a vivid description:

The splendidly complete arrangements made Mr. Robertson for the illumination of the grounds of Plas Newydd, on Wednesday evening during Eisteddfod week, were in every way admirable. A Manchester contemporay, in the course of an elaborate description of the effect, says; “The outline of every flower-bed was picked out with coloured fairy lamps. In among the geraniums they lay in almost dazzling pro fusion—white, amber, and rose—and some there Were of an icy, greenish blue, like giant glow- worms in the grass. Chinese lanterns, too, were hanging in lines between the distant trees, and the water tower, black and white like the house, though half leaf-buried, had near its summit a huge star of gleaming. All Llangollen, little and big, bad mounted the hill to see the sight, And were now peering over the garden hedge from the neighbouring lane, either standing on tiptoe or seated at ease on a paternal shoulder. The mosaic of ground lights cast a flush on the long line of watchers’ facts and turned into maidenhair the canopy of birch leaves overhead. It picked out, too, the grotesque outlines of poodle-clipped yew trees, unvenerable though so old, and by its many-tinted reflex made medley of the stained-glass windows of Plas Newydd.” [Llangollen Advertiser, 11th September 1908]

Olga Harte winner of the under-16 violin solo. Source: Evening Express, September 3rd 1908

The Pembroke County Guardian and Cardigan Reporter was pleased to note, on 11th September 1908, that even though there were big crowds with over 7000 people a day through the turnstiles, there had not been a single reported case of drunkenness or disorderly conduct, and that the police had experienced no difficulties managing the revellers.  This is surprising, as not only were people pouring in from the immediate area, but special trains had been put on to carry people from much further afield.  This was quite unlike the “often drunken and bootless” occasions of earlier eisteddfodau reported by John Davies.

The Cambrian News and Merionethshire Standard on 11th September reported that 34,626 visitors had been recorded through the turnstiles.  The newspapers reported that the finances after the event were healthy.  The Llangollen Advertiser on 11th September commented that “the financial success of the National Eisteddfod id virtually assured – something like £500 being required to meet all claims, something over £950.00 having been taken yesterday.”

Overall, although the standard of singing was thought to be inferior, possibly because some of the most prestigious competitors were unable to attend due to bad weather, and the weather itself spoiled some of the Gorsedd ceremonies, the media deemed that the Eisteddfod as a whole was a great success.
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Gorsedd circles and their role in the eisteddfodau

Gorsedd of Bards at the Liverpool Eisteddfod 1884. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

The Gorsedd circle was developed as a ceremonial space, using a millennia-old design to create a marketable image of a modern Welsh identity with roots that were positioned as deriving from Celtic traditions.  Edward Williams, influenced by the ideas of William Stukeley and others incorrectly associated stone circles with Druids, worked back from a desired state of Welsh identity to provide his nation with time depth and historical integrity towards making that desired time-honoured identity a reality.

The Proclamation, described above, took place a year and a day in advance of the event, and this now takes the form of a procession to the circle where the next eisteddfod is announced.  The National Eisteddfod celebrations, which are not exclusively Gorsedd, shift between the circle, the pavilion and, in subsidiary temporary structures in the the field in which the entire event takes place, (Y Maes).  The first Gorsedd ceremony held by Edward Williams on Primrose Hill took place in a stone circle, and for his impromptu arrival at the 1819 eisteddfod he carried pockets full of pebbles.  After then most circles were temporary, and sometimes none were built at all.  The first permanent stone circle was built in 1897 at the Newport (Gwent) National Eisteddfod and they have been a much valued component of most of the annual celebrations in Wales ever since.  Most were permanent but the five held in England were all apparently temporary.

Over the course of two decades Michael Freeman (former curator of the Amgueddfa Ceredigion / Ceredigion Museum) has carried out a comprehensive research programme, effectively an archaeological survey.  This research has found that of around 90 circles originally built around 75 survive.  Most of these are not shown on the Ordnance Survey maps and until the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales (RCAHMW) recorded Michael Freeman’s research, complete with grid reference and NPRN (a unique RCAHMW identifier), they were not listed as heritage monuments.  They have been divided into four categories, which enable the trends and differences in Gorsedd circle building to be compared.  For those interested in knowing more about the permanent Gorsedd circles, see Michael Freeman’s web pages dedicated to the subject on his Early Tourists in Wales website.  It makes for fascinating reading.

Sample from Michael Freeman’s page on Gorsedd circles. Source: Early Tourists in Wales

Michael Freeman’s research has shown that the most common circles consist of a single circuit of 11 or 12 stones, a central large stone, the Maen Llong (Logan Stone), which acts as a focal point and what was a Druidic altar but since Archdruid Dyfed’s tenure is now secular.  This basic layout could be supplemented by two or more outliers or inliers which either reflected points where the sun would rise at certain times of the year, or alternatively the symbol of the Gorsedd, a three-stroke symbol known as the anwen or Y Nod Cyfrin.  Interestingly, Michael Freeman’s work has found that the location of the circle was usually one of convenience and had little to do with a good position in terms of solar or astronomical observance.  This would not usually have been the case in the Early Bronze Age, when most were built and when sites were often located where they provided views into the distance, where large portions of the skies could be observed.

Incorporated into the timetable of the National Eisteddfod, such as the one that took place in the 1858 and 1908 Eisteddfodau at Llangollen, a number of ceremonies took place.  First is the Proclamation ceremony that gives a year’s notice of the event, and which involves a ceremonial procession to the circle accompanied by music, school children and other community groups.  Some of the ceremonies that take place during the Eisteddfod are for granting awards to the competition winners and others are for rewarding the achievements of those who are to be formally admitted to the membership of the Gorsedd, either by completing exams or by having made some significant contribution to Welsh culture or language.

Archdruid’s Breastplate designed by Hubert Herkomer for the Newport Eisteddfod in 1896. Source: National Museum of Wales via Peoples Collection Wales

Just as in the 1819 ceremony, there are three classes of Gorsedd membership, each represented by a different colour: ovates (green), bards (blue) and Druids (white).  When Edward Williams began the Gorsedd ceremonies he used ribbons, but these became sashes and eventually became robes.  These categories used to form a tripartite hierarchy, but are now considered to be on equal footing.  There is, however, an elected head of the Gorsedd known as the Archdderwydd (Archdruid) whose robe is gold and has tenure for three years.  The form of the ceremonies is designed to reference Druid iconography, and includes rituals supported by ritual objects and accompanied by prayers and chanting.  The key material components of the Gorsedd at a national Eisteddfod, apart from the stone circle itself, are the corn hirlais (horn of plenty), the Grand Gorsedd Sword (sheathed at the end of the ceremony to symbolize peace), the Y Corn Gwlad trumpet, an official banner introduced in 1896, and roles and regalia that were introduced at different times, including the crown, breast-plate and sceptre that are often prominent in photographs.  The symbol known as the mystic mark, consisting of three converging slender triangles, was known as the anwen, Nôd Cyfrin or Nôd Pelydr Goleuni (mark of shafts of light) was not much used during the life of Edward Williams, but was employed by his son, and became a popular icon of National Eisteddfodau.  Robes and insignia were introduced to replace sashes in the 1858 Llangollen National Eisteddfod.

Interestingly, Gorsedd sites were never objects of pilgrimage, even when still associated in Gorsedd lore with ancient Druidism.  They may hold local importance, and are sometimes tourist attractions, but even before a more formal synthesis with Christian ideas and rituals, they were never seen as Druid temples in their own right. Nor are they seen as Christian places of worship.

The Corwen eisteddfod of 1895 with a group around a stone in the centre. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

The point has already been made that in the context of an eisteddfod, local or national, the cerrig yr orsydd are an artifice in the sense that they were never associated with the medieval tradition of the eisteddfod.  The stone circle was chosen as an emblem decided to reference prehistoric monuments and this too is an artifice because the Early Bronze Age circles have nothing to do with the later Druidic sects.  Although they have only recently been acknowledged as heritage in their own right, the Gorsedd circles are fixed reminders that an Eisteddfod has taken place there and that these events represent the value of Welsh cultural output, stamping a sense of modern Welsh identity on the landscape.  It was a brilliant idea, but a shame that it required the dragging in of ancient Druidism to give it momentum.  Since 2004 the cerrig yr orsedd are not actually made of stone and are not permanent.  Fibreglass look-alikes are used instead, which must greatly simplify the logistics, and saves much of the hand-wringing that has taken place when permanent circles are sometimes found to be in places that interrupt modern development plans.

Gorsedd circles are a long-term material emblem and reminder of past eisteddfodau, collectively representing a recognizable identity associated with specific ideas, values and cultural beliefs.  For every community in which a Gorsedd circle still stands, it carries social and cultural significance that is both locally grounded and an integral part of a larger tradition into which those individual communities are linked by having played their part in a grand Welsh tradition.
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The Plas Newydd Gorsedd Circle

1908 Gorsedd circle. Plas Newydd is behind it with Mr George Robertson’s wing before it was demolished, and Castell Dinas Bran at the top of the hill behind the house.  Peoples Collection Wales (Object Ref 2001_6_47, Llangollen Museum)

The Plas Newydd stone circle is located in a small field just beyond the remarkable house of Plas Newydd, overlooked by topiary and surrounded by a driveway that today serves as parking for visitors.  It has been recently recorded by the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales as NPRN 800631.

The Gorsedd stone circle itself was a community effort, and at the centre of decisions about how the Proclamation ceremony, which would take a year in advance of the main event, would be managed and experienced.  At a planning meeting of the organizing committee it was decided to ask Mr George H. Robertson who owned Plas Newydd for the field next to the house, so that a procession could be organized from the town up the hill to the circle.  Mr Robertson, a Liverpool cotton trader, was one in a line of owners of the Plas Newydd cottage, all of whom maintained the legacy of Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby as well as making modifications of their own.  He contributed a new wing to the cottage that can be seen in the above photograph (demolished in the 1960s) and probably added new features to the original building, whilst maintaining what was already in situ.  He was also responsible for the yew tree garden and the topiary.  His gift of the land for the Gorsedd circle, and his decision to make the circle a permanent feature, has added to the already unique personality of Plas Newydd.

The central stone in the middle of the Gorsedd circle, on top of which many of the ceremonies were performed

The Llangollen circle is spacious, with a diameter of 60ft (18.3m), with twelve evenly spaced large rocks around the circumference, averaging 2 tons each, as well as the 5-ton 8ft (2.4m) long monster at its centre, the maen llong (Logan stone).  There are also three outliers.  There are different explanations for what outliers, which occur at other sites too, may represent.  One newspaper, the Chester Courant and Advertiser for North Wales, describes the Llangollen outliers as representing sunrise, midday and sunset, but more generally they may equally represent the Y Nod Cyfrin (or anwen), used by Edward Williams to represent love, justice and truth.  Judging from Michael Freeman’s survey, at 60ft (18.3m) it was smaller than most of the surviving circles (which are between 75-80ft / 23-25m), but it was exactly twice the size of the reported diameter for the 1858 Llangollen circle.  Before 1900 most were fairly small, portable stones, but in the early 1900s the stone circles became larger and enabled more elaborate ceremonies.

Michael Freeman’s diagram of the layout of the Llangollen circle with its central Maen Llong and three outliers, type 2d. Source: Early Tourists in Wales

 

The circle at Plas Newydd with the outliers highlighted in red.

Although Stonehenge with its seriously modified uprights and lintels is impressive and influential, most prehistoric stone circles were made of unmodified stones that were chosen for their individual properties before being raised into position, and these have a quite different character from anything as thoroughly transformed as Stonehenge.  The Llangollen Eisteddfod organizers chose the more natural prehistoric circle for their model, as required by the Gorsedd guidelines.  By 1907 they had the technology to batter rocks into a particular form, but they chose to use unaltered stones from local Pengwern Hall.  They deployed vast, natural rocks into an unnatural symmetrical form, and in doing so they effectively bridged between nature and design to create a contained but permeable space in a way that is spectacularly effective.  They It has more in common with the prehistoric stone circles of Cumbria than anything like Stonehenge or Avebury.

Each stone circle, whether prehistoric or modern, big or small, has its own particular personality, and the one at Plas Newydd is impressive both in its scale and in the individual rocks chosen to give it a real presence in the landscape.  The spacing of the stones provide a dual sense of delineation and permeability.  It is easy to see how it can be used as a zone of inclusion-exclusion when the occasion demands, but at the same time it is easy to move through and around, making it a monumental but subtle component of the Plas Newydd gardens that does not block access.  By using products of the natural world to define the space there is the sense that the landscape itself, the hills and valley have been incorporated into the experience, with Castell Dinas Bran above, itself looking like an extension of the landscape.  This is reflected in the Pembroke County Guardian and Cardigan Reporter on 11th September 1908 which commented that the stones were “all massive natural bounders collected from the surrounding mountain sides and so deeply embedded in the soil that they appear to have been planted not by the hand of man but forces of nature.”

In 1907 the new Llangollen Gorsedd circle was erected in what was named the Heritage Field at Plas Newydd and the 1908 Llangollen Royal “Ceiriog” Eisteddfod was proclaimed in June 1907 at a ceremony in the newly built stone circle.  The Llangollen Advertiser described the procession at 1pm:

Archdruid Dyfed (Evan Rees). Source: Wikipedia

Proclamation Ceremony of the Welsh National Eisteddfod of 1908, which is to be held at Llangollen next Autumn, took place yesterday (Thursday), upon the beautiful enclosure at Plas Newydd, kindly placed at the disposal of the organisers by Mr. G.H., Robertson, the owner of the historic residence. A procession was formed in the Smithfield at one o’clock, and consisted of contingents of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, Denbighshire Yeomanry, Worcestershire Militia, Denbighshire Constabulary, Llangollen Fire Brigade, Friendly Societies, Llangollen Urban Council, Tradesmen’s Association, Cymrodorion Society, Lord Lieutenants and representatives of the various public administrative bodies in Denbighshire and the adjoining counties, the Mayors of Aberystwyth, Wrexham, Shrewsbury, Ruthin. Oswestry and Llanfyllin attending in their official robes. There was a very large gathering of Justices of the Peace and the representatives of the Celtic Society deputised to attend were Lord Castletown of Upper Ossory, and Sir William Preece, F.R S., Chairman of the London Committee. Mr. and Mrs. Darley were the representatives of the Dublin Cymric Society and Sir Marchant Williams represented the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion.

After marching through the principal streets of the town the procession entered the beautiful enclosure selected for the interesting ceremony, and a more appropriate site could not possibly have been selected. The beautiful foliage of the surrounding trees in the full glory of summer foliage, the distant view of Castell Dinas Bran, “the most proudly perched ruin” in Britain, the excellently ordered gardens which surround Mr. Robertson’s romantic residence, were among the outstanding features in a picture of singular beauty and interest. After the opening of the Gorsedd by the Archdruid Dyfed; the Rev. Edwards (Gwynydd) offered the Gorsedd prayer; several addresses were delivered. [Llangollen Advertiser, 21st June 1907]

The North Wales Express provided a slightly different version version:

The Llangollen National Eisteddfod of 1908 was proclaimed on Thursday in a storm of wind and rain by the Archdruid Dyfed, and a large concourse of bards and ovates. The procession was very imposing. A choir of school children, drawn from all the elementary and the intermediate school, under the leadership of Mr W. Percerdd Williams, were assembled ready at the Gorsedd portals, and as the Archdruid (Dyfed) and his brilliantly-robed retinue entered they were greeted by a volume of sweet voices, rendering a selection of Welsh airs. The “Corn Hirlais” was gracefully presented by Miss Barbara Robertson, Plas Newydd. and Miss Nanson, while the “Aberthged” was presented as Miss Williams, daughter of the guest Ab Ithel, accompanied by Miss Hughes, Glanynys. A long list of candidates for honorary degrees were invested by the Archdruid, and the usual in memoriam addresses were delivered . . . Mr J. Herbert Roberts, M.P., was admitted a member of the Gorsedd under the designation “Gwenalit.” [North Wales Express, 28th June 1907]

The 1908 Llangollen National Eisteddfod. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

In the 1908 Eisteddfod, opening events were shared between the Gorsedd circle and the pavilion. Most of the newspaper accounts mention that on all but the last day there was pouring rain throughout most of the Gorsedd ceremonies which, as one news paper put it “it being impossible, in the midst of driving showers to secure the attention of the crowd surrounding the Gorsedd circle” [Llangollen Advertiser 11th September 1908].   It was stated in the newspapers that this was one of the wettest Eisteddfodau that anyone could recall, but there was still a terrific attendance.  Even though some of the Gorsedd proceedings had to be held in the pavilion instead of the circle, all were overseen by Archdruid Evan Rees “Dyfed” who had tenure from 1905-1923.  Following on from his landmark predecessor the Congregational minister Rowland Williams “Hwfa Môn”, Archdruid Dyfed wanted to introduced various innovations.  His outlook must have been quite interesting as he had participated in the 1893 International Eisteddfod at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago Illinois, where he won the Bardic chair with an awdl on Jesus of Nazareth.

At the Gorsedd circle the first ceremony was the opening of the event.  Because the event is carried out within full sight of the wider community and visitors it absorbs much of their energy, because the success of the ceremony and pageant are dependent on the crowd.  Part of the ceremony is a call out and response between the Archdruid and the crowd, a call for peace, with a single voice raising the call, and a vast crowd, sometimes of thousands, responding in the affirmative.

However, the Pembroke County Guardian on the 11th September believed that the Thursday’s Gorsedd procession “more than made amends for any shortcomings in Tuesday’s gathering.”  Having made a tour of the whole town, the procession gathered at the circle where the ceremony included a contingent of Patagonians, the two daughters of Ceiriog, and a Welsh national from the Transvaal, all of whom witnessed an honorary Gorsedd degree being awarded to Lady st David (given the bardic name “Goleuni Dyfed” – the light of Pemborkeshire) due to her paper delivered during the Eisteddfod on the subject of the establishment of village societies for the encouragement of art and music.

Archdruid Dyfed at the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod. Source: Evening Express

Some of the costs and takings of the Eisteddfod were reported in local newspapers, but there is nothing mentioned about the cost of the circle itself.  It may be that as the stones were provided by the owner of Pengwern Hall, and were delivered using Pengwern transport, the charges may have been absorbed by the estate as a charitable gesture, in the same spirit in which the land where it sits was provided by the owner of Plas Newydd.

Today the meaning of the Gorsedd circle is largely lost on visitors from outside Llangollen.  I have found no signage to explain its significance, and there are no objects to commemorate the event in the museum.  I daresay people come up with their own interpretations, and that’s not necessarily a bad thing, but it would be nice to have some information available to those who might welcome it.  It does give people the freedom to interact with the circle on their own terms.

In 1958, half a century after the 1858 eisteddfod, the Bard’s Memorial was built on the site of previous Plas Newydd owner General Yorke’s peacock house.  This is a commemorative structure, referring to the past but not part of it.  The 1907 circle, quite apart from being so enjoyable, has the added gravitas of having been an integral part of the 1908 National Eisteddfod and remains a very attractive symbol of Welsh determination in the 19th and early 20th centuries to promote its cultural heritage.
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The question of authenticity

Edward Williams was desperate to connect modern Wales with its more magnificent, albeit partly imagined cultural past.  His Gorsedd ceremonies have become an integral part of the National Eisteddfod.  The Gorsedd tradition invented by Williams is based on an entirely inauthentic narrative to promote a particular agenda substantiated by fraudulent documentation.  As Lowenthal says, “The rectified past aims to be seen as the true original . . we alter the past to become part of it as well as to make it our own” (p.328-31) and this is what Williams was attempting.  In many ways his aims were admirable in trying to recover and reinforce a sense of Welsh national identity, but it is difficult to ignore his methods.

Manuscript showing the Gorsedd robes and headgear designed by T.H.Thomas, c.1895. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Does it matter that in order to build up a sense of Welsh cultural self-worth and identity, Williams lied and forged documents?  This question was asked throughout the later 19th and early 20th centuries, and was addressed at some length in the local media at the time of the 1907 Proclamation ceremony In Llangollen.  On Friday 21st June 1907 a column in the Llangollen Advertiser commented as follows:

In a sense the Proclamation Ceremony is the ornamental side of the Eisteddfod but it is something more than this.  By some it is regarded as a purely archaic survival that might very well be dispensed with or at any rate very considerably reformed” and goes on to suggest that it is very much an important part of the Eisteddfod.  But even this anonymous supporter of the Gorsedd ceremony highlights the great difficulties of determining historical accuracy:  “When one attempts to penetrate into the deeper depths of Bardic Law, and the historical facts and legends upon which it is based, the result is somewhat perplexing and the same differences of opinion and variation of views are manifest in this as in other matters where points of historical accuracy have to be decided and deductions drawn therefrom. [Llangollen Advertiser, 21st June 1907]

At the same time, Sir Marchant Williams gave a speech at the Eisteddfod Proclamation Ceremony that was an impassioned declaration in favour of the Edward Williams version of reality:

An address was delivered by Sir Merchant Williams, who referred to the contempt- with which some Welshmen viewed the proceedings of the Gorsedd, and to the assertion of Professor Morris Jones, of Bangor, that the antiquity of the Gorsedd and its authority were a myth. He said that inquiries by scientific archaeologists proved conclusively that the Gorsedd was flourishing before a single stone was laid of the oldest college in Oxford or Cambridge, and he predicted that the Gorsedd would be flourishing when the colleges- of Oxford and Cambridge were in ruins. Whether it was old in its origin or recent, he loved and cherished it for the simple reason – that it was unique; it characterised and separated the Welsh nation from all other nations under the sun, and re- served to live on that account solely. [North Wales Express, 28th June 1907]

Plaque to Edward Williams (bardic name Iolo Morganwg) on Primrose Hill, London. Source: London Remembers

Because Archdruid Cynan addressed the issue from the 1950s, renouncing all Gorsedd claims to antiquity Druidic connections, and openly acknowledging that it was based on fraudulent claims and manuscripts, there is much less controversy in the ceremonies of the Eisteddfod.  Still, the Druidic robes and objects, however artificial, continue to be part of the pageantry.  Lowenthal believes that many actually enjoy the contrived aspects of modern ceremonial clothing and objects, because they are specially made and designed, a product of the present, something consistent with how people live their lives today, but with a nod of respect to the past, a bit like re-enactment.

Lovely Welsh poet Dannie Abse has rejected the validity of criticism of Edward Williams on the grounds that he was a great scholar and poet, but many of the residents of Primrose Hill seriously resented the new plaque that venerated him on the grounds that he was a blatant fraudster.  In fairness to the plaque, it does not praise Williams, saying simply “This is the site of the first meeting of the Gorsedd of the Bards of the Isle of Britain 22.6.179 / Yma y cyfarfu Gorsedd Beirdd Ynys Prydain gyntaf.”

It cannot be doubted that Williams was an important contributor to the promotion of Welsh culture and the success of the National Eisteddfod.  I suppose that it comes down to whether you believe that the end justifies the means.
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Final Comments

When I set out to write, just for a change, a nice short piece as part 4 of my series on Plas Newydd, departing for the moment from talking about the house itself, and looking instead at the stone circle in its grounds, I had no idea what a complicated story would emerge.  The post turned into yet another exploration of a subject from the roots up, and was infinitely longer than I anticipated when I started it, but it was a fascinating learning curve.

Llangollen Advertiser 1908. Source: National Library of Wales

The concept of the eisteddfod goes back far beyond the introduction in the 18th century of the Gorsedd component, but the two are now, at least at the level of National Eisteddfod, inseparable, and this linkage is what is captured by the stone circles at Plas Newydd and elsewhere.  By rooting the Gorsedd in ideas of antiquity and introducing it to the Eisteddford, Edward Williams found a way of validating and legitimizing Welsh culture and its artistic output.  The new interest in promoting Welsh identity in the 18th century began in London with Welsh nationals living in England, and for decades continued to be influenced by Anglicised Welsh landowners, and by English participants.  By competing against English artists, the Welsh were able to prove their own abilities, but this involved a compromise in which an essentially Welsh festival became bi-national.  In 1909, the year following Llangollen, the National Eisteddfod went to London where, according to The Cardiff Times on 2nd January 1909, it had resulted in the “energising of national life among London Welshmen” and had “secured the hearty co-operation of every section of the Cymric colony in the Metropolis.”

Llangollen Advertiser 1908. Source: National Library of Wales

One of the interesting aspects of the 18th and 19th century Eisteddfodau is that when looked at in more detail, this is often “history from below.”  The involvement of both working class and educated people to compete in Welsh language events gave it a broad social spectrum, albeit exclusively male for some time.  Some of those competing were people who worked with their hands, like miners and carpenters, and although there were also clergy in their number, many of these had equally humble beginnings.

Today the National Eisteddfod continues to be held annually in the first week of August every year, alternating between North Wales and South Wales and since 1950 has become a Welsh language experience and all signage, speeches and competitions have been in Welsh.  To help it to survive, the Eisteddfod Act of 1959 permitted local authorities to provide financial contributions to the event.  This year (2025) it is to be held at the Welsh-English borders near Wrexham from 2nd to 9th August at Isycoed near Holt.   It remains a competition with prizes offered in poetry, prose, music, dance, theatre, social science and Welsh language and is a busy social event with artisan stalls and food vendors.  It will take a pragmatic view on the weather for the Gorsedd ceremonies, as this page from the National Eisteddfod website explains:

When the weather is fine, the ceremonies to welcome new Gorsedd members are held in Cylch yr Orsedd. If the weather is poor, they’re held in the Pavilion.

The Archdruid leads the Gorsedd ceremonies in the Cylch and on the Pavilion stage. New members are welcomed on Monday and Friday mornings at 10:00, and the Crowning, Prose Medal and Chairing ceremonies are held in the Pavilion at 16:00 on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, respectively.

The Plas Newydd Gorsedd Circle has a fascinating story, both as part of the Gorsedd heritage and as a part of Llangollen’s community history.  It is attractive in its own right, and a superb add-on to the unique and fabulous house of Plas Newydd with its lovely stream-side dell.  It has a great personality all of its own, and it is nice to see it being used on an informal basis.  People rest against the stones in sun or shade, some with picnics, some simply relaxing and enjoying their surroundings with its views to the house, the topiary and beyond to Dinas Bran.  In spring the circle is flanked by purple crocuses.  It is a really lovely piece of heritage.

1908 Llangollen Pennillion singing at the Gorsedd on top of the Maen Llong. Source: Peoples Collection Wales (Llangollen Museum, Object Reference 2002_32_28)

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Visiting Details

Visiting details are in Part 1, but if you only want to visit the gardens and the Gorsedd circle, these are free of charge.  The Plas Newydd website is at https://www.denbighshire.gov.uk/en/leisure-and-tourism/museums-and-historic-houses/plas-newydd-llangollen.aspx.  What3Words address for the site is ///occurs.stowing.neck.  Parking at the site is free, but limited.  There is parking in Llangollen, although at the height of the season, parking at the International Eisteddfod stadium is a good idea.  The short walk back into town along the canal is very enjoyable and a great way to experience a small sample of Llangollen’s canal walks.

The Eisteddfod advert for the Parish Church services in the Llangollen Advertiser, featuring the Lord Bishop of Ottawa

Sources

Books and Papers

Arnold, Matthew 1867. On the Study of Celtic Literature. London
https://archive.org/details/onstudyofceltic00arno/page/n5/mode/2up

Bender, Barbara 1998. Stonehenge. Making Space.  Berg

Cresswell, Tim 2015 (2nd edition). Place. An Introduction. Wiley Blackwell.

Davies, John 2007 (3rd edition). A History of Wales. Penguin.

Edwards, Hywel Teifi 1990, 2016. The Eisteddfod.  University of Wales Press

Fagan, Garrett G. 2006.  Diagnosing Pseudoarchaeology. The attraction of non-rational in archaeological hypotheses. In Fagan (ed.). Archaeological Fantasies. Routledge, p.47-70

Farley, Julia and Fraser Hunter 2015. Celts: art and identity. The British Museum and National Museums of Scotland

Flemming, N.C. 2006. The attraction of non-rational archaeological hypotheses.  The individual and sociological factors. In (ed.) Garrett G. Fagan. Archaeological Fantasies, Routledge, p.47-70

Fowle, Francis 2015. Chapter 10. The Celtic Revival in Britain and Ireland. Reconstructing the Past c.AD1600-1920.  In Farley, Julia and Fraser Hunter 2015 (eds.), Celts: art and identity. The British Museum and National Museums of Scotland, p.236-259.

Green, Miranda J. 1997. Exploring the World of the Druids. Thames and Hudson

Hewison, R. 1987. The Heritage Industry. Methuen

Hobsbawm, Eric 1983. Introduction: Inventing Traditions. In Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.). The Invention of Tradition.  Cambridge University Press, p.16-43

Hobsbawm, Eric and T. Ranger 1983.  The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press

Holtorf, Cornelius 2005. From Stonehenge to Las Vegas.  Archaeology as Popular Culture. Altamira Press

Hughes, Bettina 2006.  Pseudoarchaeology and nationalism. Essentializing the Difference.  In (ed.) Garrett G. Fagan. Archaeological Fantasies, Routledge

Jenkins, Geraint H. 2007. A Concise History of Wales. Cambridge University Press

Kemp, Barry 2010. Druids. A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press

Kightly, Charles 2003.  Castell Dinas Brân Llangollen.  Denbighshire County Council (bilingual booklet with excellent illustrations, artist reconstructions, photographs and information)

Lovata, Troy 2007. Inauthentic Archaeologies.  Public Uses and Abuses of the Past. Left Coast Press

Lynch, Frances, 2000. The Later Neolithic and Earlier Bronze Age.  In (eds.) Frances Lynch, Stephen Aldhouse-Green and Jeffrewy L. Davies.  Sutton, p.79-138.

Morgan, Prys 1983. From a Death to a View: The Hunt for the Welsh Past in the Romantic Period. In Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.). The Invention of Tradition.  Cambridge University Press, p.16-43

Morris, Jan 1984. The Matter of Wales: Epic Views of a Small Country. Oxford University Press

Piggott, Stuart 1950.  William Stukeley. An Eighteenth Century Antiquary. Oxford Clarendon Press
https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.27266/page/n5/mode/2up

Roberts, Alice 2015. The Celts. Search for a Civilization. Heron Books

Rowlands, Henry.  Mona Antiqua Restaurata.
https://archive.org/details/bim_eighteenth-century_mona-antiqua-restaurata_rowlands-henry_1723

Stukeley, William 1740. A Temple Restor’d to the British Druids. London

Tanner, Marcus 2004. The Last of the Celts.  Yale University Press

Tilley, Christopher 2004. The Materiality of Stone.  Explorations in Phenomenology. Berg

Tregellas, Walter 1864. Castell Dinas Bran Near Llangollen, Denbighshire. The Archaeological Journal, 21, p.114–120
https://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archiveDS/archiveDownload?t=arch-1132-1/dissemination/pdf/021/021_114_120.pdf

Trigger, Bruce G. 1996, 2nd edition. A History of Archaeological Thought.  Cambridge University Press

 

Websites

Amgueddfa Cymru / National Museum of Wales
History of the Welsh Eisteddfodau
https://museum.wales/curatorial/social-cultural-history/online-collections/what-is-the-eisteddfod/
‘Our own pageantry and peacockry‘: the Gorsedd of the Bards
https://museum.wales/articles/1139/Our-own-pageantry-and-peacockry-the-Gorsedd-of-the-Bards/
Gorsedd Symbols and Regalia
https://museum.wales/articles/1136/Scrolls-swords-and-mystic-marks/

Titus Omega via Art Nouveau Style
Arts and crafts/Art nouveau crown given to the winner of the free verse competition at the National Eisteddfod of Wales by Philip & Thomas Vaughton 1908
https://artnouveaustyle.tumblr.com/page/94

Based In Churton 
Plas Newydd (3-part series)
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/category/llangollen/plas-newydd-llangollen/

BBC News
The Treason of the Blue Books. By Phil Carradice, 21st January 2011
https://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/waleshistory/2011/01/treason_of_the_blue_books.html
Iolo Morganwg: Scholar, antiquarian and forger.  By Phil Carradice, 9th March 2011
https://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/waleshistory/2011/03/iolo_morganwg_scholar_antiquarian_forger.html

Camden New Journal
Park objectors say Welsh hero was a criminal. By Tom Foot, 1st October 2009
https://www.thecnj.com/camden/2009/100109/news100109_03.html

Coflein
Gorsedd Circle, Plas Newydd grounds, Llangollen
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/800631/

Dictionary of Welsh Biography
Edward Williams (Iolo Morganw, 1747-1826), poet and antiquary (by Griffith John Williams and revised by the editorial team 2024)
https://biography.wales/article/s-WILL-EDW-1747#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0&manifest=https%3A%2F%2Fdamsssl.llgc.org.uk%2Fiiif%2F2.0%2F4672175%2Fmanifest.json&xywh=1184%2C787%2C1567%2C1265
WILLIAMS, JOHN JAMES (1869 – 1954), minister (Congl.) and poet (by Evan David Jones)
https://biography.wales/article/s2-WILL-JAM-1869
DAVIES, HUGH EMYR (1878 – 1950), minister (Presb.) and poet (by Reverend Gomer Morgan Roberts)
https://biography.wales/article/s2-DAVI-EMY-1878
REES, EVAN (Dyfed; 1850 – 1923), Calvinistic Methodist minister, poet, and archdruid of Wales
https://biography.wales/article/s-REES-EVA-1850?&query=archdruid%20evan%20rees&lang%5B%5D=en&sort=score&order=desc&rows=12&page=1

Early Tourists in Wales
18th and 19th Century Stone Circles
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/
Gorsedd stone circles / Cylchoedd Cerrig yr Orsedd
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/gorsedd-circles/
Early Plans of Gorsedd Circles
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/gorsedd-circles/early-plans-of-gorsedd-circles/
Lists of Gorsedd Circles (including full details of the Llangollen 1908 circle)
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/gorsedd-circles/list-of-gorsedd-circles/
Plas Newydd – Gorsedd Circle (short note)
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/plas-newydd-gorsedd-circle/

Eisteddfod Wales
Gorsedd Cymru
https://eisteddfod.wales/gorsedd-cymru
Chair Winners
https://eisteddfod.wales/chair-winners
Crown Winners
https://web.archive.org/web/20191107194429/https://eisteddfod.wales/archive/eisteddfod-winners/crown-winners

The Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion
https://www.cymmrodorion.org/

The Iolo Morganwg Project
https://iolomorganwg.wales.ac.uk/index.php

Llangollen
Eisteddfod Fawr Llangollen
https://www.llangollen.org.uk/index.php/things-to-do/history/eisteddfod-bards/item/57-isteddfod-fawr-llangollen

The National Library of Wales
The Blue Books of 1847
https://www.library.wales/discover-learn/digital-exhibitions/printed-material/the-blue-books-of-1847

People’s Collection Wales
Iolo Morganwg
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/content/iolo-morganwg-1747-1826
Augusta Hall (‘Lady Llanover’) (1802-1896)
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/content/bee-gwent
Doubters and critics
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/content/eisteddfod-and-gorsedd-join-forces

RCAHMW
The Intrigue of the National Eisteddfod Gorsedd Stone Circle. By Bethan Hopkins-Williams, 31st July 2024
https://rcahmw.gov.uk/the-intrigue-of-the-national-eisteddfod-gorsedd-stone-circle/

Welsh Newspapers – National Library of Wales
Aberystwyth Observer
Welsh National Eisteddfod at Llangollen, 10th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3050509/3050512/14/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod%2BAND%2BEisteddfod%2BOR%2B1908%2BOR%2Bresults?from=search
Cambrian News and Merionethshire Standard
The National Eisteddfod, 11th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3411012/3411014/12/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Cardiff Times
The Eisteddfod Result. 12th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3434323/3434329/151/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Bardism in 1908. A Notable Year. The Cardiff Times, 2nd January 1909
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3434531/3434535/85/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Chester Courant and Advertiser for North Wales
The National Eisteddfod, 11th September 1808
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3411012/3411014/12/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Llangollen Advertiser
Proclaiming the Eisteddfod, 21st June 1907
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3177952/3177956 
Eisteddfod Collections and Recollections, 11th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3178435/3178440
North Wales Express
The 1908 Eisteddfod, 28th June 1907
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3571672/3571675/16/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Pembroke County Guardian and Cardigan Reporter
The National Eisteddfod at Llangollen, 11th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/4251539/4251545/66/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search 
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/4251539/4251545
Weekly Mail
Friends and Critics, 5th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3379083/3379089/112/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod%2BAND%2BEisteddfod%2BOR%2B1908%2BOR%2Bresults?from=search

Gorsedd circle at Plas Newydd. Peoples Collection Wales

 

Castell Dinas Brân, Castle of Crows above Llangollen – Medieval ruins and stunning views

I have been visiting Dinas Brân on and off for decades, but have never got around to writing it up.  It was one of my favourite walks with the family dog in the 1980s when my parents lived hereabouts.  Much later, a regular return trip between Aberdovey and Rossett gave me the opportunity to see the castle from various different angles in all sorts of weather, the conical hill on which it sits soaring from the Dee valley providing a commanding, impressive position that dominates the landscape.  I recently drove into Llangollen to go up to the castle on a hot day, prepared for a moderately steep walk from the canal bridge, correctly anticipating a slightly breathless arrival at the ruins.

This is a splendid walk.  It is only about 2km (1.3 miles) from the Eisteddfod Pavilion, where I parked, although uphill all the way from the Wern Road canal bridge, so it feels longer, and the views towards the castle and back over the valley are splendid.  The views from the castle itself are of course stupendous, both aesthetically and geologically.  The geology and geomorphology are mentioned in brief below.  More about parking, the different routes and conditions underfoot are towards the end of the post in Visiting.

 

Dinas Bran ruins

Castell Dinas Brân, a Scheduled Monument, is the story of two fortifications, one dating to the Iron Age, at around 600BC, the other a medieval castle dating to the 13th Century.  It is far from unusual to find Medieval castles built within the circumference of an Iron Age hillfort, because both were making use of the same strategic features:  a good view of the surrounding countryside, a defensible position, often above cultivable land, and access to water.  This post is about the Medieval castle.

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History of Castle of the Crows

The medieval castle

Window of what was possibly the Great Hall of Dinas Bran

Window of what was possibly the Great Hall of Dinas Bran

It is not certain which of the Powys Fadog rulers built Dinas Brân.  The most common suggestion is that the castle was built by Prince Gruffudd ap Madoc (c.1220-c.1270), beginning in the 1260s, but there is an argument discussed by Paul R Davies that it may have been built by his father Prince Madoc ap Gruffudd Maelor.

Valle Crucis Cistecian Abbey, founded 1201

From c.1190 Prince Madoc was ruler of Powys Fadog, the northern section of Powys, which had been split into two on the death of Madoc ap Maredudd in 1160.  He founded the nearby Cistercian abbey in 1201, and although his territory was comparatively small, he clearly had ambitions to establish his name and ensure his legacy, A castle would have been consistent with that intention, and as Davis points out, materials and workers could have been shared between the two sites.  Prince Madoc died in 1236 leaving four sons, of whom Prince Gruffudd was the only one to survive.  Whether Madoc started work on the castle or not, it is clear that Prince Gruffudd continued it, completing it well before the war of 1277.

Together with Powys Wenwynwyn to the south, Powys Fadog was sandwiched between the much larger territory of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd’s Meirionydd in the west of Wales and England to the east.  Llywelyn (c.1223 – 11th December 1282, also known as Llywelyn the last, grandson of Llywelyn the Great) and his brother Dafydd (1238 – 3rd October 1283) had been in a long-term power struggle with Henry III that erupted once again under Henry’s son Edward I.  Whilst the northeast territories provided a buffer zone between the two warring factions, their rulers were inevitably dragged into the question of where to bestow their loyalties.  There was never any certainty that the members of a single family would throw in their lot with the same side, and some, like Llywelyn’s brother Dafydd, switched sides at least once.

Wales following the 1267 Treaty of Montgomery showing Powys Fadog sandwiched between Gwynedd and England. Source: Turvey 2002, p.xxvii map 8

Prince Gruffudd was married to an English wife, presumably for diplomatic reasons, providing a nod of friendship to the English.  With Lady Emma Audely he had four sons, the eldest named Madoc, and one daughter.  Presumably seen as fair game by Llywelyn, Powys Fadog was attacked.  When Henry III was appealed to for help but did not come to Powys Fadog’s aid Gruffudd seems to have thrown in his lot with Llywelyn, arranging for peace between Meirionydd (Gwynedd) and the return of his territories by agreeing to the marriage of his eldest son Madoc to Llywelyn’s sister Margaret.  Dinas Brân was apparently built in support of the interests of Llywelyn the self-styled Prince of Wales, borrowing certain elements of architectural styling from Llywelyn’s castles, including the D-shaped tower at its southern side.

Gruffudd apparently died in around 1270, because it was in this year that his sons signed a grant to provide Lady Emma with lands of Maelor Saesneg to secure her future.  At this time ownership of the castle would have been split four ways between his sons, because primogeniture was the English but not the Welsh system of inheritance.  Instead of one son or daughter inheriting an estate, on the death of a father all property was divided between the remaining sons, with provision usually made for wives and daughters.  Each of Prince Gruffudd’s sons had his own decision to make in November 1276 when war broke out again between England and Wales.  However they started the war, Gruffydd’s eldest sons eventually submitted to Edward, but in May 1277 an English force sent to take possession of the castle found it in engulfed in flames and it was evident that the garrison left behind had remained loyal to Llywelyn.  The decision to burn and abandon the castle rather than defend or surrender it did not, however, completely destroy the castle.

After the Treaty of Aberconwy in 1277 Llywelyn paid homage to Edward, sitting to the left of the king’s throne, with Alexander of Scotland at the king’s right. The peace did not last.

After the Treaty of Aberconwy in 1277, Llywelyn’s power was confined to northwest Wales.  The English inspection of Dinas Brân to assess the damage caused by the fire found that although considerable superficial damage had been inflicted, the well-built castle was structurally sound and still of strategic value.  Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, wrote to Edward I recommending that the castle be repaired and garrisoned with English troops.

Following Edward’s triumph, Powys Fadog was abolished as a territory.  Edward gave ownership of the castle and all its lands to John de Warenne, the early of Surrey.  The castle, however, was no longer relevant as a symbolic stronghold of the former territory and now stood at the borderland of the new friendly lordships of Chirk, held by Roger Mortimer, and Bromfield and Yale by John de Warenne.  Instead of devoting any attention to Dinas Brân, de Warenne became busy building his new castle at the eastern end of Bromfield and Yale on the Dee crossing at Holt near Chester.

Ruins of Dinas Bran

Ruins of Dinas Bran

There is no record of the role performed by Dinas Brân, if any, during the final great conflict between Llywelyn and Edward of 1282, when the English were triumphant.  Llywelyn died on the battlefield that year, and Dafydd was captured and put to death in 1283.  As Holt Castle grew, Dinas Brân was abandoned.

A completely unsubstantiated legend concerns the fate of the two underage sons of Prince Madoc, Gruffudd’s eldest son.  Walter Tregellas in 1864 tells the story, in which Edward I conferred guardianship of the two boys on Roger Mortimer and John de Warenne:  “it is stated that the two children were soon afterwards drowned under Holt Bridge . . . This is said to have happened in 1281.”  He goes on to recount an even better version of the conspiracy, however: “it is uncertain whether the king himself did not cause the children to be put to death.”  There is no evidence whatsoever about what became of the two younger children of the prince of Powys Fadog.

Dinas Bran and the wonderful scenery beyond

Dinas Bran and the wonderful scenery beyond

The only hint that they castle buildings may have been re-used is a poem by Hywel ab Einion Llygliw Myfanwy Fychan in the 14th century, in which he claimed to have been rejected by the beautiful girl who lived there.  There is no evidence to support this later domestic occupation, but neither is there anything to deny it.  John Leland, visiting in 1536, found it in ruins.

 

The Victorians

Dinas Brân Castle by Alphonse Dousseau, c.1850. Source: The National Library of Wales, via WikiData.

When ruins became desirable romantic destinations, Dinas Brân was an obvious lure for painters (many of whom chose to paint safely from below) and more adventurous tourists.  The Holyhead road was the major route through north Wales, with Telford’s great route, now the A5, opening in 1826, and the railway was opened in 1864.  A local entrepreneur, demonstrating great faith in the spirit of adventure demonstrated by the new tourists, decided to make the most of the popular site and the first visitor provision was supplied in 1820, with a cottage added in the 1880s as a tea room together with an octagonal camera obscura, which was still in situ by the start of the Second World War.

Walking up the hill not far from the summit I found a piece of slender white clay pipe, about an inch long, on a piece of well-worn hillside.  This almost certainly belonged to the period of Victorian interest in the castle.

Victorian cottage built for serving teas to visitors on Dinas Brân. Source: People’s Collection Wales

 

The castle as it stands today

Fieldwork

Plan of Dinas Brân, both prehistoric and medieval, following the geophysical survey of 2017

There has been very little fieldwork at Dinas Brân, and even the antiquarian investigators who explored other sites seem to have felt that this was one challenge too many.  The only exception appears to be alocal treasure hunter who is mentioned in a journal entry by Lady Eleanor Butler of Plas Newydd, whose home was in full view of the castle, and who commented that their landlord had informed them that a smith from Dimbraneth “has been dreaming of more than a year past of treasure at Dinas Brân. Hew has within this week begun to dig.”  There is no report of any discoveries.

In 2017 a geophysical survey was carried out and this was quite comprehensive, addressing both the medieval castle and the prehistoric hillfort.  Although nothing conclusive was discovered, magnetic readings did suggest that a fire had scoured the ramparts, perhaps tying in with contemporary reports that the sons of Prince Gruffudd had set fire to the entire structure rather than surrender it to the English.

In 2020 a survey was carried out by the Clwyd Powys Archaeological Trust (CPAT) to assess the condition of the site, both the castle and the prehistoric hillfort, making recommendations to make it safer and more approachable for visitors and to manage archaeological impact.  Earthworks were noted beyond the hillfort but were not included in the survey.

CPAT excavation at Dinas Brân in 2021. Source: Heneb

It was not until August 2021 that the first archaeological investigation was carried out at the site, organized by CPAT.  It was a small exploratory dig, with four trial trenches both within and outside the castle walls.  The main aim of the project was less investigation of the history and more about assessment of the condition of the building’s foundations.  Although the excavations did no more than reveal the medieval floor surface, one sherd of medieval pottery was recovered and a “ledge/kerb was discovered projecting from the gatehouse wall, with a portcullis slot in it near the east end, and a fine masonry carved pillar base at the western end.”  In 2021 the Heneb report said that the excavation report was “awaiting a second phase of work in 2022,” but I have been able to find nothing about a 2022 excavation and no further reports.

Modern conservation work was carried out by Recclesia, who surveyed the site and inserted stabilizing rods into the south wall of the castle to ensure that it stays upright now and in the future.

The surviving architecture

Detail of an old interpretation board

The plan drawn by Tregellas in 1864. with annotations

The castle was very fine in its day, with imposing fortified walls and stone and timber buildings.  There are hints that there were decorative features.  I have annotated the plan drawn in 1864 by Walter Tregellas to make this easier to follow.  If you have walked up from Llangollen, and climbed the east-facing slope of the hill, you will have entered opposite the original entrance.  I had had a long wander around before tackling how the ruins relate to the original layout but when I got stuck into the site plan, I started at the entrance.

The ditch surrounding the castle

The site consists of a rectangular court orientated east-west, c.82m  by 35m, surrounded by a ditch dug out of the bedrock, which provided the material from which the castle was built.  As well as building materials available within the immediate vicinity, it was found that there was sandstone facing in certain parts of the castle, which would have provided it with both refinement and prestige.  It is not clear where this came from, but it is likely that it was sourced from the same location as the Valle Crucis ashlar.  The ditch surrounding the castle was an impressively deep and wide feature, running around three sides, the northern side of the castle being positioned directly over a steep drop.  At the southwestern corner of the ditch was once a well, the location of which is now very difficult to see.

An artist’s impression of how the gatehouse (right) and the keep (left) as they may have looked when it was first built. Source: Clwydian Range and Dee Valley

The original entrance was marked by a gatehouse that, being one of the points of weakness of the castle, was built so that it could be well defended, with twin English-style towers forming a gatehouse, each with hollow basements and, remarkably, appears to have been furnished with highly ornate rib-mouldings.  This is unprecedented in Welsh castle design and may have been copied from an English example.  One of the two gate towers still has the underfloor barrel-vaulted arch that was accessible from the courtyard; although it is now open to the outside, this would have been closed in the 13th century and is probably the enlargement of an arrow slit.  The vaulted room is closed to the public except on special open days.  The gatehouse was supplied with latrines on its northern side, that emptied down the walls into the ditch.

The vaulted undercroft in the gatehouse

 

The stairwell that lead up to the first floor of the keep

Heading clockwise from here, you encounter the square keep.  This was once an impressive building that helped offer protection for the gatehouse as well as the most vulnerable eastern approach.  It will also have provided a home for the main family members and a final retreat at a time of siege.  It was equipped with latrine which, like the gatehouse, emptied into the ditch.  Additional security was provided for the keep.  It could only be entered via a first floor door reached by stairs from a walled passage, and was separated from the rest of the castle interior by its own ditch, which would have been crossed by a liftable bridge.

Continue around to the right to follow what was once the long south curtain wall.  The section of wall with two giant openings in it was either the site of the castle’s Hall, where dining and socializing would have taken place, or its chapel. The two openings, providing plenty of light for interior, would have been about 1.8m (6ft) wide at their maximum width.  They would have had shutters to protect the castle from the elements, but no window glass.

At the far end of the Hall a doorway opened into a D-shaped tower that extended beyond the line of the curtain wall.  The D-shaped section has gone, but this tower was a major feature of the castle, rising to two if not three floors.  A good surviving example can be seen at the well known Ewloe Castle (about which I have posted here).  Again, this was a defensive measure providing archers good views over the ditch and the flanking walls. The ruins of the inners walls give a sense of the size of this half of the room. It is likely that part of this was used for the castle kitchens, which gives weight to the argument that the adjoining apartment was the dining hall rather than the chapel.

Further along this stretch and you will find yourself looking out between two sections of wall, a gap that represents the remains of the postern gateway.  As well as providing a useful secondary pedestrian entrance on the opposite side of the castle from the main gatehouse, this could also be used as a “sally port” that would allow foot soldiers to mount a surprise attack from an unexpected position.

A rectangular building at the west end may have been either the hall or the chapel or served another purpose.  This area is likely to be highly disturbed, archaeologically, due to the Victorian building works in this area. The rest of the interior would have been filled with timber-built buildings, including accommodation for servants, storage, stables and workshops.

 

The landscape  

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British Geological Survey geological timeline.

Standing on the peak of the hill, you are 305m (c.1000ft) above seal level.  Geologically, Llangollen is divided into two main formations.  At the top of Dinas Brân you are standing on one and looking at the other.

Beneath your feet the rock formations are dark grey Silurian shales and silstones, which were laid down as deep sea sediments and then subjected to metamorphic processes.  These are the same rocks that you see in the Dee river bed from the Llangollen bridge, with the rapids flowing over them.  The stone quarried from the ditches of this Silurian hillside were used to build the castle, and are uncleaved, around 30-40cm thick.

Above this layer in Llangollen is the heavily layered Carboniferous limestone escarpment that so dramatically forms a backdrop to Llangollen and Dinas Brân, laid down when the sea was warm and shallow.  The Devonian, which theoretically should have sat between these two geological periods, is missing, presumably because it was not under water in this area at that time, and did not form the rich, deep layers usually laid down in marine contexts.

The solid geology of Clwyd showing rock types. Jenkins 1991, p.14

Geomorphologically, the Vale of Llangollen is a typical U-shaped valley carved by the advancing ice and associated debris of the Welsh Ice Sheet as it advanced east.  The river Dee wends its way through this flat base, and former river beds are visible in the landscape, the former routes of the river blocked by the ice sheet, forcing water to find a new passage.

The  plant life that has settled into place on this isolated outpost is typical species that are capable of surviving on highly exposed rock with very little topsoil.  Drought-resistant annuals like foxgloves and swathes of rock-hugging perennial succulents like sedum anglicum are dominant at this time of year.


xxx

 

Visiting

Map of the footpaths to Dinas Brân Castle (Kightly 2003, Denbighshire County Council)

The castle is on the open hilltop and is free of charge to access.  There are no facilities at all.  You will need to take water and any snacks with you, although there are plenty of facilities down in Llangollen itself.

There are two main approaches to the castle for walkers arriving by car from the east.  One is a longer walk from the valley bottom, and the other is a much shorter but slightly steeper walk from the other side, approached along the narrow road now marked on the map as the Offa’s Dyke Path (even though Offa’s Dyke does not actually follow this exact path).  A map taken from the bilingual booklet Castell Dinas Brân Llangollen (in their Enjoy Medieval Denbighsire series) shows two alternative routes, with variations. 

The easiest place to park if you are heading up from the valley is the International Eisteddfod Pavilion (marked as the Royal International Pavilion on the map), which offers a really lovely walk along the canal to arrive at the canal bridge where you cross to begin the walk.  The second approach is much shorter and takes you from the Offa’s Dyke Path, a single-track road that follows the line of the hill, and has spectacular views; there is no official parking here, although there is space to pull over and park for about 4-5 cars (being careful to leave passing spaces) and this gets full very quickly on fine days.  

Both routes require sensible footwear, whatever the weather.  I was wearing some excellent lightweight hiking trainers with heavy tread, perfect for a hot day, but in damper seasons I would go for hiking boots.  Although the path starts off metalled in Llangollen itself, mainly because it is one access point to the local school, it becomes much more uneven underfoot as the path goes on, with patches of coarse bedrock and scatterings of loose scree.

The Eisteddfod Pavilion is on the A539 on the way out of Llangollen towards Valle Crucis and the Horseshoe Pass.  The car park is big, with a pay and display system.  From here, go up out of the car park towards the canal bridge, and go down on to the towpath to the left of the bridge, turning to the right under the bridge to head east in the direction of Llangollen.  This is a lovely stretch of canal, passing the marina on your left.

When you reach the next canal bridge, with a cafe on the right, walk up on to the bridge.  Directly in front of you, heading straight up a short flight of stairs, is the public footpath.

From here on it is easy to find your way.  Just keep going straight up.  You first pass the school on the left, and a field on the right, with a gate at the top of this first stretch.  Go through the gate, cross the lane, and keep going up the other side.

You will pass various attractive buildings along the way, the largest of which is the Grade II listed Dinbren Hall, built with conviction but without a great deal of imagination in a very lovely location in 1793.

Soon you will reach another gate.  This has signage on the other side of it warning to inform you that you have now arrived at the foot of the hill, and to keep dogs on a lead (there are sheep all the way along this walk).

It is less even underfoot from here, with a very short uneven patch, but you will find that just over the other side the path opens out onto the hillside, with a clear view of the path ahead.

A very short uneven section of path, but it evens out just on the other side

 

Beyond this, along the steepest part of the route, the ziz-zag path marked on the map is beautifully maintained at the time of writing, with occasional stretches provided with a hand rail and long shallow steps where required.

This brings you out at the the west end of the castle, where the Victorian camera obscura and teashop used to be located.  If you are approaching from the other side, via the Offa’s Dyke Path, you will find a similar zig-zag arrangement to provide a less strenuous way up the hill than heading straight up the side.

Eastern approach to the castle

You can easily turn this into a circular walk from the Eisteddfod pavilion. For the quickest of the two easiest routes, come down from the castle onto the lane under the limestone escarpment and head downhill along the Wern Road, which takes you back to the canal bridge.  For a longer but really attractive route, continue along Offa’s Dyke Path, past Wern Road, which eventually heads downhill and comes out at the Sun Trevor on the A542; cross the road, cross the canal bridge, turn right and walk back along the towpath into Llangollen.  Although this is a much longer way back, it is all metalled lane and nicely maintained towpath, so is very easy underfoot.

Sources

Ordnance Survey Explorer no.256: Wrexham/Wrecsam and Llangollen.  Particularly useful if you want to make this into a circular walk, or to visit other local sites like the Horseshoe Falls and Valle Crucis Cistercian abbey.

If you are particularly interested in medieval architecture in the Denbighshire area, do download their bi-lingual PDF booklet Enjoy Medieval Denbighshire.

Map showing sites featured in the “Enjoy Medieval Denbighshire” PDF

Books and papers

Berry, D. 2016 (4th edition). Walks around Llangollen and the Dee Valley.  Kittiwake Books

Davies, John 2007 (3rd edition). A History of Wales. Penguin.

Davis, Paul R. 2021. Towers of Defiance. The Castles and Fortifications of the Princes of Wales. Y Lolfa

Kightly, Charles 2003.  Castell Dinas Brân Llangollen.  Denbighshire County Council (bilingual booklet with excellent illustrations, artist reconstructions, photographs and information)

Jenkins, David A. 1991.  The Environment: Past and Present. In (eds.) John Manley, Stephen Grenter and Fiona Gale. The Archaeology of Clwyd. Clwyd Archaeology Service, p.13-25

Jones, N. W., 2020. Castell Dinas Brân, Llangollen, Denbighshire: Condition Survey. Unpublished report. CPAT Report No. 1739
https://coflein.gov.uk/media/366/634/cpatp_144_001.pdf

Roserveare, M. J., 2017. Castell Dinas Bran, Llangollen, Denbighshire: geophysical survey
report. TigerGeo Project DBL161.

Tregellas, Walter 1864. Castell Dinas Bran Near Llangollen, Denbighshire. The Archaeological Journal, 21, p.114–120
https://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archiveDS/archiveDownload?t=arch-1132-1/dissemination/pdf/021/021_114_120.pdf

Turvey, Roger 2002. The Welsh Princes. The Native Rules of Wales 1063-1283. Pearson Education

Venning, Timothy 2012. The Kings and Queens of Wales. Amberley

 

Websites

Coflein
Castell Dinas Bran
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/307064/

Clwydian Range and Dee Valley
Dinas Brân
www.clwydianrangeanddeevalleyaonb.org.uk/projects/dinas-bran/

CPAT
Historic Landscape Characterization: The Making of the Vale of Llangollen and Eglwyseg Historic Environment
https://heneb.org.uk/archive/cpat/projects/longer/histland/llangoll/vlenvi.htm

Heneb
Castell Dinas Brân, Llangollen
https://heneb.org.uk/cy/project/castell-dinas-bran-llangollen/
Dinas Brân, Llangollen Community, Denbighshire (HLCA 1150)
https://heneb.org.uk/hcla/vale-of-llangollen-and-eglwyseg/dinas-bran-llangollen-community-denbighshirehlca-1150/

Recclesia
Castell Dinas Bran
https://recclesia.com/our-work/castell-dinas-bran

Scottish Geology Trust GeoGuide
Dinas Brân
https://geoguide.scottishgeologytrust.org/p/gcr/gcr19/gcr19_dinasbran

 

You can explore the castle from afar via this Sketchfab 3D model by Mark Walters.

 

A video showing the two main stages of occupation of the Dinas Bran hill, on the Clwydian Range and Dee Valley website, beginning with the hillfort and moving on to the medieval castle.

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More decorative arts at Plas Newydd – Delftware tiles, gilt leather wall hangings and intricate plaster ceilings (#3)

Introduction 

Plas Newydd after 1814.  People’s Collection Wales

The local Llangollen builder of the unassuming little cottage of Plas Newydd could not have envisaged the cultural extravaganza that emerged from the plain and simple 5-room unembellished cottage rented by Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby from 1780.  The transformations introduced by the ladies was  embellished by General John Yorke, who had known the ladies as a boy and built a new extension to the house, running Plas Newydd as a museum.  This was in turn elaborated by George Robertson, who built his own extension.  Both extensions eventually had to be demolished due to dry rot, but the remaining cottage was saved.  Plas Newydd was eventually sold to Denbigh County Council, which now does an excellent job of caring for it.

The story of Plas Newydd is covered in Part 1, providing a general introduction to the house and its most notable owners.  Part 2 looked specifically at the stained glass.  Although the house is particularly noted for its fabulous carved wood (not yet discussed) and stained glass composites (discussed in part 2) it also features traditional delftware tiles in fireplaces, embossed leather wall hangings, Lincrusta wallpaper and elegant plasterwork ceilings. These make up the subject of this post.

It is not always at all clear which of the various owners added which decorative features.  Even more difficult, dating the different elements is not at all straight forward.  Whilst the stained glass and wood carvings represent a wide chronological range (from the medieval to the late 19th century), the tiles could date from the 17th to the 18th centuries, whilst the embossed leather could belong to the 16th to the 18th centuries.  Lincrusta wallpaper was invented and marketed only from the 1877.  The plaster ceilings are probably Victorian in date, rather than having been imported from older buildings, as they seem to have been made for the rooms in which they are installed.
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Dutch delftware tiles

Fireplace in the Oak room with floral themes in Green and red, with blue corner motifs

The Dutch tiles in the fireplaces at Plas Newydd are sometimes said to have been installed by General Yorke, but it slightly concerns me that the General does not mention the tiles in his Catalogues of 1884 and 1888, and it is possible that it was Mr Robertson who installed them.

Tiles, being ornamental and installed into the fabric of a building, are categorized with other installed decorative arts including plasterwork, wall coverings, decorative stonework, wooden craftwork, and stained glass.  The Plas Newydd tiles include some really lovely examples, showing characteristic themes including sailing boats, windmills, rural scenes and flowers.  Whoever acquired them had a good eye.  The tiles work splendidly well with the medley of other styles, shapes, textures and colours, providing an elegant, cooling and quiet balance to some of the darker and more exotic elements.  Most are blue and white but some have delicate reds and greens to pick out the natural shades of the flowers depicted.

Delftware (“delftware” when not at the beginning of a sentence) is a collective term for tin-glazed earthenware, both functional and ornamental pottery, that became synonymous with the Netherlands.   Although named for the potteries in Delft, which were the first in the Netherlands to produce this particular blue and white glazed earthenware, the style of ceramics takes its inspiration from Italian maiolica, also known as majolica, ware, which was imported into the Low Countries (today the Netherlands and Belgium) in the early 16th century, where it began to be copied.  The relationship between maiolica and delftware is very obvious.  Maiolica had a brighter and more colourful palette but a very similar emphasis on blue, white and small painted scenes.

Delftware is made using a tin glaze.  The importance of this is that unlike a plain lead glaze, which is clear and rather glossy after firing, tin oxide can be added to a lead glaze to provide an opaque, white glaze, which can then be painted with designs and re-fired.  This was a technique imported via the Mediterranean from the Middle East.

It is clear from the variety of corner motifs, and the absence of them in many cases,  that these were not a single batch, but they shared familiar delftware themes  – human everyday activities, rural scenes and shipping. Dining room

Although Delft became the most important centre for tile production, for both local consumption as well as for export, the tiles were amongst the most utilitarian products that did not require specialist techniques to form them and were made at a variety of locations, including Rotterdam.  As well as being highly decorative, they were easy to clean and durable.  The tiles, typically measuring 13cm x 13cm, were commonly used internally for lining walls and fireplaces, where they could withstand heat, and basements and cellars where they were largely impervious to chill and damp.  To ensure that they could withstand these conditions they were fired twice, first at 950-1000 degrees and after they had dried and were glazed and painted, were fired again at c.1000 degrees, which also fixed the glaze.

The Oak Room

The tiles soon became popular in prosperous middle-class homes but, like all fashions that emerged in the upper echelons, eventually trickled down to the general population, finding particular favour amongst the newly wealthy class of prosperous farmers in rural areas of the Netherlands.  Fashions in the countryside tended to lag behind those in more urban areas, meaning that factories continued to produce particular styles some decades after they had been replaced in the homes of towns and cities.

Although delftware is often thought of as blue and white, due to the popularity of this minimalist palette following the import of Chinese blue and white china by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the 17th century, a palette of pastel shades was also used.  Although China-inspired scenes were used for a while, there were soon replaced by the classic themes on delftware, including birds, flowers, rural scenery, people (including children) engaged in everyday activities and sea-going vessels.  Corner motifs (hoekmotiefs) became an important part of the overall design in many tiles, and the same motifs appear repeatedly on many of the tiles.  The corner motifs help to provide focus and act as a substitute frame.  Amongst the most popular of these were the ox-head motifs, as shown in the polychrome floral example from the Oak Room.

Different types of ox-head corner motifs. Source: Kamermans 2014

I have no idea what is going on in this scene, but would love to know! Do get in touch if you can explain it! Dining room

As they were easy to transport by road and water, making them an ideal export product, and there was a ready demand for them, tiles became a popular item in England, where they were imported in large numbers.   In the 16th and 17th centuries Dutch and Flemish potters migrated into England to escape religious persecution and began to manufacture delftware pottery and tiles, which they could sell directly to English markets, helping to spread their popularity.  An area of London now known as Potters Fields was named for the Dutch potters who, in around 1620, established the earliest delftware production in England, but others were slightly further afield, such as the 17th century factory established in Edward III’s ruined manor on the eastern edge of Bermondsey on the Thames in the shipbuilding area next to today’s Angel public house.

In the 18th century English potters began to open their own tile-works and this became an increasingly important industry centred on London, Bristol and Liverpool.  Until the middle of the century designs were typical of those from the Netherlands but soon began to become increasingly diverse to suit local demand.  Local production reduced costs, and when Sadler and Green of Liverpool developed transfer printing for tiles from the late 18th century, costs dropped even further, ensuring that delftware spread to lower income households.

 

Fireplace in the library

Detail of the fireplace in the library.  Every tile has the same decoration: a formal flower arrangement in a vase, with fleur de lys corner motifs.

 

A mixture of decorative topics are shown on the tiles in the main bedroom.

Trying to pin a date to any of the tile sets at Plas Newydd is not possible for a non-expert.  The most useful guide to the chronological development of delftware that I have found to date was produced by the Philadelphia Museum of Art by van Dam and Tichelaar in 1984, and provides an excellent overview of how delftware originated and how its popularity was split into urban and rural settings within the Netherlands, with different trends in each. For example, with particular reference to the tiles at Plas Newydd, tiles with frames such as those shown below tend to be earlier than those with only small corner motifs.  Tile thicknesses reduced from earlier tiles that were as much as 18m mm thick to only 6-7mm in the 18th century.  Polychrome examples such as those in the Oak Room were popular in the Netherlands in the mid-17th century but but went out of fashion in urban homes, surviving in rural homes for a while until here too they went out of fashion in around 1700.  Other chronological clues are the themes that made up collections of tiles.  For example, the number of landscapes and pastoral scenes increased at the expense of ships and sea monsters, whilst there was an increase of  wide landscapes, and the production of many more Biblical themes often framed in circles.  Finally, amongst various other clues, the Dutch tile was usually 13mm sq, and this was emulated by English artists, but some manufacturers began to produce 152mm sq tiles for the English market.  However, whether any of this is chronological direction is applicable to trends in English tile art I simply have no idea, and at the moment it is unknown whether the tiles are Dutch or English.

Main bedroom, including rural scenes and two identical floral arrangements in vases, fixed into position side by side.   The tower next to them is also anomalous; the others are all provided with a decorative frame and are rather more painterly in conception

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Delftware pottery continued to be made into the 19th century, and indeed are still made today, but were replaced in popularity towards the end of the 18th century in England by new fashions.  Tiles continued to be used, but English manufacturers in Stoke on Trent and Jackfield began to innovate new styles of tile design, which soon became very popular.  In hearths backings of iron and brick were soon preferred.  At the same time other types of decoration became fashionable on other types of domestic pottery, such as willow pattern.

Dining room

When it became unfashionable delftware was removed and replaced, soon entering the salvage market, making it easy for dealers to scoop up and sell as collectibles.  At the same time, English  imitations of the Dutch examples, remained lower in cost.  There is no reason why General Yorke or Mr Robertson, both wealthy collectors, should not have been able to source Dutch tiles if so desired, but at the same time the more inexpensive and more easily accessible English tiles might have been preferred.
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The Impressed, Gilded and Painted Leather

Detail of the Oak Room showing both carved oak, on the left and gilded and painted leather work on the right, with newer wood components fitted to tie in the wooden section, aesthetically, with the leather hangings.

The ornamental richness of the antique leather wall hangings installed in Plas Newydd by General Yorke are defined by bright colour and ornamental richness.  Sometimes referred to as Spanish leather or gilt leather (Dutch goudleer, Flemish goudleder, and French cuir doré), they are impressed or embossed and painted, and they combine many elements of wood carving, oil painting and tapestry, with themes that were all popular in the 17th century, but in a medium that is far less frequently preserved in British museums and period homes.  General Yorke, in his catalogues of the house dating to 1884 and 1888, puts them in the 16th century, but does not explain why he assigns this date to them.

Parrots, such as the two green ones shown in this scene in the Oak Room at Plas Newydd, were very popular in Dutch art of the 17th century of all kinds, reflecting the exotic discoveries of the Dutch East India Company and representing the excitement of exploration and the luxuries, of which parrots are an example, that they returned to the Netherlands, associated with wealth, prestige and status.

Some of the best work was produced in the Netherlands, where the most accomplished gilt leather craftsmen, such as Martinus van den Heuvel the Younger (c.1647-1711), were recognized and celebrated as masters of the art.  There may have been many more leather wall hangings, also referred to as panels, in the new wing that General Yorke built adjacent to the original Plas Newydd cottage, but the examples that survive in the Oak Room and on the upper staircase are remarkable in their own right, surrounded by ornamental panelling, each distinctive piece retaining a character of its own.  The majority of examples in Britain are actually from the Netherlands, which was the main producer of gilt leather, and even where it was produced in other countries, it was strongly influenced by Dutch examples.

Tapestry and leather hangings were the most expensive of all of the decorative arts used as wall coverings, far more labour-intensive than wood panelling and wainscotting.  Sadly, there are remarkably few easily accessible sources of information about this extraordinarily rich medium. The art work is often glorious, emulating tapestry, embroidery and oil painting, but with the added splendour of the three-dimensional embossing, with often intense colours, including silver and gold, contributing a real sense of  luxury and wealth.  As well as its considerable visual impact, it was also practical, offering a durable layer of insulation.  The V&A adds the interesting thought that in dining rooms it had a particular value over tapestry, as leather hangings did not retain any of the smell imparted by food.  The examples at Plas Newydd demonstrate its value as a form of decorative art.

Gilt leather wall hanging. The Oak Room with a Flemish and Dutch style still life of flowers typical of the 16th to late 17th centuries.

Embossed and painted leather wall hangings became popular in the wealthiest households in the 16th century, first in Europe and then via the Low Countries into England.  Its popularity was rejuvenated once again during the 18th century, when it was particularly influenced by Indian and Oriental examples. The success of Dutch and Flemish gilt leather work is comparable to delftware and oil painting, and like both, there was a large export market for embossed leather.  In situ examples are still to be found throughout Europe and beyond and are an important component of museums specializing in the decorative arts.  Although leather wall hangings were considered to be durable when compared with tapestries, which were vulnerable to insect incursions and damp, their long-term survival rate has not been poor, and what remains represents a tiny percentage of what was produced.

The so-called gilding, which is incredibly convincing, is apparently not gold, but a cleverly devised concoction developed to resemble it:

The shiny surface on gilt leather is not real gold. The golden surface is created by silver leaves coated with an oil-resinous varnish intensely coloured with yellow substances such as aloe and saffron. These ‘gilded’ leather panels are subsequently decorated with fashionable ornamental patterns.  The designs and decorative motives are either directly transferred to the silver leaf (or the gold varnish) with inked wooden moulds, or they are directly impressed on moist leather, after the gilding, with wooden or metallic moulds, adequate to give the surface a more or less sharp relief.  The transferred designs are often painted with covering pigments, but mostly with transparent organic colours, lacquers and coloured varnishes in an oil medium.  [Gilt Leather Society]

The Gilt Leather Society also describes the steps that followed:

Gilt-leathers with a flat surface are further impressed with punches which border and enhance the scenes and motifs, often complete them, and make vibrant the unpainted gold or silver surfaces. The decoration obtained with plates and moulds is repeated skin after skin, or divided over a few skins, which once connected form a continuous design. The assembly of artefacts is completed by sewing or by gluing the decorated skins.

A design reminiscent of the Italian style of grotteschi pioneered by Raphael after the discovery of the Roman wall paintings in the Domus Aurea in Rome

Utterly fascinating. The Netherlands Institute for Conservation, Arts and Science (NICAS) divides gilt leather into three principal types: flat with decorative repetitive patterns, embossed with decorative or illustrative or representational depictions (figures 11-13), and lastly flat with painted scenes.  Although initially following designs developed in textile production, particularly silk brocades, in the 1620s Dutch leather craftsmen began to emboss leather to produce a three-dimensional element to their work, and they began to explore designs that were not derived exclusively from textiles, as described by NICAS:

Designs in the very fashionable auricular style were introduced. Exuberant naturalistic motifs, such as foliage, garlands, flowers, insects, birds and other animals, elegantly covered the whole surface, without a defined orientation. Allegorical or mythological figures were often used, with themes such as the five senses, the four seasons, the four elements and vanitas symbols.  This renewed gilt leather was in great demand, both inside and outside the Netherlands. By the end of the seventeenth century designs underwent a change in style. Patterns became symmetrical, the embossments diminished and subsequently disappeared, patterns again began to mimic textile designs. This reflected the French influence in the decorative arts and in architecture at the time. [Posthuma de Boer et al 2016 (NICAS), p.21]

Detail of floral still life shown further up the page

It seems remarkable that the leatherwork has survived as well as it has, given its inherent fragility over long periods of time, and its construction, which the  Gilt Leather Society describes as “a delicate sandwich of materials.”  Unsurprisingly, given the complexity of production and the resulting costs, gilt leather was gradually replaced by wallpaper after the mid 17th century, undergoing a brief revival in the 18th century.

I have been unable to find any analysis of the leather work at Plas Newydd, so have no idea what sort of date/s could be assigned to them.  All the examples in Plas Newydd are impressive for their richness and detail, although they represent a variety of styles, and possibly span more than one period.  Although leather panels were used in churches and other ecclesiastical institutions, they were also frequently employed in wealthy homes and high status civic settings, with themes appropriate to those contexts, used in a similar way to tapestries and later wallpaper.  There is nothing in the Plas Newydd wall hangings to suggest a religious connection.
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Lincrusta wall coverings

Lincrusta wallpaper in the dining room at Plas Newydd

The dining room at Plas Newydd was remodelled by General Yorke who panelled the room and provided it with its Lincrusta wallpaper, which is not unlike the rich colour of the gilt leather wall hangings in the Oak Room, but was far less expensive and was designed specifically to cover large areas.

In the 1860s Frederick Walton (1834 – 1928) created Linoleum as a floor covering, water-resistant and hard wearing.  In 1877 he followed this success with a patent for Linoleum Muralis (wall Linoleum) but it was marketed as Lincrusta-Walton.  The Lin was from the Latin Linum for linseed, from which Linoleum and Lincrusta were made, and Crusta meaning relief.  It was employed, as the Lincrusta website puts it “from royal homes to railway carriages,” replacing wainscotting, plasterwork and leather hangings, and is still sold today.  Not only was it was a new, attractive and durable solution to decorating walls, but it was water resistant too.  The manufacturing process combines gelatinous linseed oil and powdered wood, which is combined to form a paste that is first spread onto paper and then passed through steel rollers, one of which has the required pattern embossed on it.  At Plas Newydd it does a good job of emulating the leather wall hangings and providing a suitable background for carved furniture.
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Plaster-work ceilings

The main bedroom ceiling

Unlike the stained glass and the wooden panelling, it seems inconceivable that Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby could have afforded even one plasterwork ceiling, but it was certainly not beyond the means of General John Yorke, whose purchase of the house was followed by elaborate additions of his own, including the decorative half-timbering of the original cottage that remains today as well as the addition of an entire new wing.  The same can be said for Mr Robertson.  I have not seen any record of what fitted in either General Yorke’s or Mr Roberston’s wings, so the ceilings in the cottage and the new wing cannot be compared.  Given that most of the interior wood and glass of Plas Newydd was assembled from decorative arts installed at other locations, the first question with the plasterwork ceilings is when were they added?

Removing ceilings from one building and transferring them to another sounds ambitious but was occasionally carried out.  For example, at Emral Hall near Worthenbury (Wrexham), the ceiling, together with panelling and stone carvings, were lifted from a room and transferred in their entirety to Portmeirion when Emral Hall was scheduled to be demolished.   An example from Hyde Abbey House in Hyde in Winchester had been curtailed to fit its new home, making it obvious that it had been transferred from another location because the design had had to be curtailed to fit its new home.  Most of the plasterwork ceilings at Plas Newydd, however, look as though they were designed for the rooms in which they were installed, rather than having been cut out of another building. This means that at least some of the ceilings were probably custom-made for Plas Newydd and probably date to the latter half of the 19th century. Even if this assumption is correct, it is unknown which company might have been responsible for the work.

Ceiling in the second bedroom

In the 19th century a number of innovations were made in the manufacturing of ceiling plaster.  Gelatine moulds were introduced in the mid 1800s, and hessian began to be added to plaster with timber laths to make it simultaneously more light-weight and much stronger. This resulted in a product that was both a lot easier to move from a workshop and to install.  At the same time, the introduction of ornate wall papers created a demand for much simpler geometric ceiling plaster.  Without professional insights into the Plas Newydd ceilings, it is impossible to go much further, except to observe that the plaster ceilings are all very nicely made and consist of several different designs.  The pattern in the Oak Room is repeated in the second bedroom and the dining room, but the examples in the library and the main bedroom are unique to those rooms.  That in the main bedroom is particularly ornate.  If anyone has any expertise in this area and have an opinion about the Plas Newydd ceilings, I would be very interested in hearing from you.
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The library

The library

Final Comments

I have not found anything published on the subject of the Plas Newydd decorative arts that have been covered in this post, so the above information is regrettably very short on details relating to the examples in the house.  If you are reading this and have an opinion about any of the subjects covered here, it would be great to hear from you.

Although the two wings added by the General and Mr Robertson respectively were demolished due to dry rot in the 1960s, the original cottage with all its embellishments has been beautifully preserved, and this provides insights not only into the achievements of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby but also into types of decorative art that were favoured by their successors and, in the case of Lincrusta, only became available long after the deaths of the ladies.

The sheer intensity and concentration of the decoration, even without furnishings and collected objects, would probably have stunned Elizabethan and Jacobean audiences, and would certainly have impressed 18th and early 19th century visitors, but although every item is divorced from its original context, each individual piece has a very distinctive voice of its own.  The resulting kaleidoscope of colours and textures is remarkable and very satisfying.  An amazing visual experience and, as described in the Visiting Details in Part 1, a great day out.

 

 

Sources

My thanks again to Michael Freeman for the Plas Newydd pages on his excellent Early Tourists in Wales website.

The audio guide for Plas Newydd, free with your ticket, is a useful introduction to all the different aspects of the house as you are walking around.

Books, booklets and papers

Brazil, Helena 2018.  Lincrusta 1877-1887:  The development, designs and character of Lincrusta-Walton.  Unpublished M.A. thesis.  University of Lincoln for the degree of MA by Research, September 2018
https://repository.lincoln.ac.uk/articles/thesis/Lincrusta-Walton_1877_-1887_The_Development_Design_and_Character_of_Lincrusta-Walton/24325975/1

Bostwick, David 1993. Decorative Plasterwork of the Yorkshire Region 1570-1670. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Sheffield
https://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/id/eprint/1895/

van Dam, Jan Daniel and Pieter Jan Tichelaar 1984. Dutch Tiles in the Philadelphia Museum of Art.  Philadelphia Museum of Art
https://ia800201.us.archive.org/18/items/dutchtilesinphil00phil/dutchtilesinphil00phil.pdf

Durbin, Lesley 2005.  Architectural Tiles. Conservation and Restoration. From the Medieval Period to the Twentieth Century.  Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann
https://www.academia.edu/34465762/Architectural_Tiles_Conservation_and_Restoration

Fleming, John. and Honour, Hugh 1977, 1989 (2nd edition). The Penguin Dictionary of Decorative Arts. Viking

Gapper, Claire, Karen Parker and Edward Roberts 2002.  Elizabethan and Jacobean Decorative Features at Hyde, Winchester.  Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society (Hampshire Studies), 57, 2002, p.59-80
https://www.hantsfieldclub.org.uk/publications/hampshirestudies/digital/2000s/vol57/Gapper%26others.pdf

Kamermans, John 2014.  Developments in Research on Dutch Tiles.  In Susanna Varela Flor (ed.) A Herança de Santos Simōes Nova Perspectivas para o Estudo da Azuleraria e da Cerâmica.

van Lemmen, Hans. 2005. Delftware Tiles. Shire Album

Osborne, Harold (ed.) 1970. The Oxford Companion to Art. Oxford University Press

Osborne, Harold (ed.) 1975. The Oxford Companion to the Decorative Arts. Oxford University Press

Posthuma de Boer, Martine, Eloy Koldeweij, Roger M. Groves 2016. Gilt Leather Artefacts: White Paper on Material Characterization and Improved Conservation Strategies within NICAS, Delft. Netherlands Institute for Conservation, Arts and Science (NICAS)
https://www.academia.edu/32424868/Gilt_Leather_Artefacts_White_Paper_on_Material_Characterization_and_Improved_Conservation_Strategies_within_NICAS_Delft_2016

Pratt, Nigel 2020. Decorative Plasterwork in South-West England, c. 1550-1640, Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Exeter
https://ore.exeter.ac.uk/repository/handle/10871/121309
Volume 1 https://ore.exeter.ac.uk/repository/bitstream/handle/10871/121309/PrattN%20Vol%201.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
Volume 2 https://ore.exeter.ac.uk/repository/bitstream/handle/10871/121309/PrattN%20Vol%202_TPC.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y

Wells-Cole, Anthony 1997.  Art and Decoration in Elizabethan and Jacobean England.  Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art / Yale University Press

Veysey, A. Geoffrey and David Freeman 1988.  Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen. Glyndwr District Council.  (Based on the booklet by Veysey, County Archivist for Clwyd County Council, published in 1980.  Two sections were substantially updated by Freeman in 1988 – the Oak Room and the Ladies’ Bedchamber).

Websites

Adorares
The History and Modern Revival of Spanish Leather Wallpapers
https://www.adorares.com/exploring-european-crafts/the-history-and-modern-revival-of-spanish-leather-wallpapers

British Listed Buildings
Lleweni Hall, including Stables to the NE. A Grade II* Listed Building in Denbigh, Denbighshire
https://britishlistedbuildings.co.uk/300001060-lleweni-hall-including-stables-to-the-ne-denbigh

British Renaissance Plasterwork – The web site of Dr Claire Gapper, based on her PhD research
British Renaissance Plasterwork
https://clairegapper.info/

Building Conservation
Lincrusta-Walton and Other 19th-century Raised Relief Wall Coverings, Building Conservation. By Helena Brazil and Paul Croft
https://www.buildingconservation.com/articles/lincrusta-walton/lincrusta-walton.html
Repairing Lime Plaster Ceilings. By Sean Wheatley
https://www.buildingconservation.com/articles/lime-plaster-ceilings/lime-plaster-ceilings.htm

Brynkinalt Estate
https://www.brynkinalt.co.uk/

Coflein
Emral Hall, Worthenbury
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/35805/
Town Hall, Portmeirion
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/407060/

Delfts Aardewerk (trans. Delft pottery – articles in English)
https://delftsaardewerk.nl/en
The city of Delft in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. By Céline Ariaans, 17th March 2020
https://delftsaardewerk.nl/en/learn/6691-the-city-of-delft-in-the-seventeenth-and-eighteenth-centuries

Driehaus Museum
“The Most Perfect and Beautiful of All Wall Decorations” October 16th, 2016
https://driehausmuseum.org/blog/view/the-most-perfect-and-beautiful-of-all-wall-decorations

Gilt Leather Society
What is gilt leather?
https://giltleathersociety.org/gilt-leather/what-is-gilt-leather/
Gallery
https://giltleathersociety.org/gilt-leather/gallery/

Heritage Plaster Services
Architecture & Plaster Design in the Victorian Period
https://www.heritageplasterservices.co.uk/blog/architecture-plaster-design-in-the-victorian-period

Historic England
Historic Fibrous Plaster in the UK Guidance on its Care and Management
https://historicengland.org.uk/advice/technical-advice/buildings/inspection-and-maintenance-of-fibrous-plaster-ceilings/
Or – https://cadw.gov.wales/sites/default/files/2019-07/Historic%20Fibrous%20Plaster%20Eng_0.pdf

Internet Archive
Catalogue of designs of Lincrusta-Walton manufactured by Fr. Beck & Co., branch of National Wall Paper Co. 1900
https://archive.org/details/gri_33125000661575/mode/2up

The Leiden Collection
Young woman in a niche with parrot and cage
https://www.theleidencollection.com/archives/artwork/GD-105_young-woman-in-a-niche-with-a-parrot-and-cage_2023.pdf

Lincrusta
Home page
https://lincrusta.com/
Brand Story

https://lincrusta.com/about-us/#brand-story

Lincrusta Heritage
Lincrusta-Walton
https://www.lincrustaheritage.co.uk/lincrusta-walton

Homes&Antiques
Tiles of style: why both antique and new Delftware will always be in fashion
https://www.homesandantiques.com/antiques/collecting-guides-antiques/delftware-tiles-collecting-guide

Netherlands Institute for Conservation, Art and Science
Project: Gilt Leather Artefacts
https://www.nicas-research.nl/projects/gilt-leather-artefacts/

Regts Delft Tiles
FAQ
https://www.regtsdelfttiles.com/faq#delfttiles
Where do you still find those antique Dutch Delft tiles?
https://www.regtsdelfttiles.com/blog/where-do-you-still-find-those-antique-dutch-delft-tiles.html

The Stained Glass Museum
Glossary
The Development of Stained Glass in England

https://stainedglassmuseum.com/glossary

V&A
‘Delftware’: tin-glazed earthenware tiles
https://www.vam.ac.uk/articles/delftware-tiles?srsltid=AfmBOoqHATTpRhhTIlBSCGJT3g2_qS8-qt5mh3L7xanNqOlu-Pmp2FG4
Gilt-leather Panel ca. 1650-1670
https://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O370332/panel-martinus-van-den/

The Victorian Emporium
The Origin of Mouldings, August 4th 2011
https://www.thevictorianemporium.com/publications/history/article/the_origin_of_mouldings?srsltid=AfmBOoqiYBY6zNGjHqpghfsYyUY_xhR4TvZfS4t6S4GfZPrud4jOU-Sf

 

 

Splendid stained glass patchworks at Plas Newydd, Llangollen (#2)

Introduction

Plas Newydd with Castell Dinas Bran on the hill behind it

A few weeks ago I posted about Plas Newydd in Llangollen, a fabulous extravaganza of wood carvings, stained glass, decorative wall coverings and plaster ceilings.  This period of creativity and imagination spans 1780 to 1910.

Initially the collection and installation of this patchwork of decorative arts was initiated by two ladies, Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby who had left their respective homes in Ireland and settled in the house between 1780 and 1831.  General John Yorke owned the house from 1876-1890 and ran the house as a visitor attraction, building on the creativity of the ladies to ensure that the spirit of the house was not only maintained but elaborated.  As well as converting the kitchen in the cottage to the “Oak Room” he also added a new wing in much the same spirit, (and in which a new kitchen was located). Subsequently the cotton broker George Hunter Robertson and his brother (who owned the house from 1890-1910) also maintained the house and added their own extension.  Both new extensions were demolished in the 1960s due to dry rot. Today Plas Newydd is very well maintained by Denbighshire County Council.

This post, part 2, is dedicated exclusively to the stained glass at Plas Newydd.  You can read about the remarkable cottage and its equally remarkable owners, together with visiting details, on my previous post here (part 1).  In part 3, I have looked at the the “delftware” tiles, the leather wall hangings, the Lincrusta wallpaper and the plasterwork ceilings, which you can find here.  


The stained glass at Plas Newydd

Stained glass windows are an inspiring, beautiful and rewarding form of art.  Their kaleidoscope colours form vibrant designs which sparkle in the sun and embellish the interior with a bewitching light [Trevor Yorke 2022, p.5)

The stained glass in the attic, formerly Mary Carryll’s room

The stained glass at Plas Newydd is a bright and brilliant patchwork of colours and shapes, a mass of fascinating detail.  The emphasis is not on attempting to recreate an authentic sense of a former era, but on using combinations of usually unrelated colour and texture to create new artworks that are light-filled, colourful and charming.

The stained glass was first collected by Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby in the late 1700s, and their collection consisted of fragments of glass from various periods, from both secular and religious buildings, all assembled in leaded panels, set within window openings.  The glass is a riot of fabulously luminous colour and texture and is also a colossal mixture of rich  detail.  The use of traditional lead channels that hold the glass pieces (called “lead-cames”), together with the placement of the pieces in Gothic-style windows, connect them to the idea of a gothic past, but it is not anything that medieval observers would recognize or understand.  Some of the pieces are obviously upside down or lying sideways, and different periods of glass are combined in the same lights.  Every room in which it is used brings bright colour, humour and interest to the space.

A page focusing on Plas Newydd from Mostyn Lewis’s 1970 survey of stained glass in North Wales

So far it has been impossible to determine a source for the stained glass, other than unconfirmed but plausible suggestions that the oldest fragments may have come from the nearby Valle Crucis Cistercian abbey.  A 1970 survey of the stained glass at Plas Newydd by Mostyn Lewis attempted to date the most significant fragments as part of his survey of stained glass in North Wales, described below.  A lot of the glass was found to date to the 17th century, but the entire collection spans the late 15th to the 20th centuries.  All the dates quoted below are supplied by Mostyn Lewis’s book.  I have not found any more recent assessment.

All the photographs of the stained glass in this post are my own.  I was unable to see all of it due to curtains hanging across some window openings, and because there are rooms that are not accessible, particularly the dressing room on the other side of the main bedroom (which used to be open to the public as a small visitor centre but is currently under refurbishment), so there are gaps.  Where I have been unable to match Lewis’s descriptions against the visible glass, I have excluded his observations, except where he describes glass that is now actually missing due to breakage.

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Dating the stained glass

How stained glass is dated

Rose ensoleillée, c.1500. Library

In spite of the apparent chaos of the Plas Newydd fragments, there are clues about the dating.  Although the lancet-shaped windows make it clear that the original idea was to loosely emulate the Gothic, most of the glass is post-medieval. Mostyn Lewis dates the earliest glass to around 1460 (the saint’s head with yellow halo below in the library back wall, right window, shown below) and 1470 (the rose ensoleillée in the library, central window, right), but most of the glass is later and there are fragments dating from the 20th century (the latter including the faux heraldry in the main bedroom and second bedroom, shown left).

Lewis’s dating scheme is based on his identification of different manufacturing methods and painting techniques used over the course of the history of stained glass from the medieval period to the 19th century.  There are also some clues in the subject matter itself.  Heraldry, for example, was only added relatively late to the portfolio of designs.  To understand how Lewis came to his conclusions it is worth having a very quick look at the relevant parts of the history of stained glass.

Coloured glass, conventionally referred to in Britain as stained glass, includes a variety of techniques, with new methods added over time.  Changes to this basic formula provide a terminus post quem  (an earliest possible date) for types of glass as new innovations began to offer more opportunities for stained glass artists and artisans to explore new styles and approaches.

Saint’s head with a silver-oxide halo across two panes from c.1500 (right window, library). The fragment of halo above belongs to a different image. Also heavily eroded fragments, showing details of a canopy with pinnacles and finials, all said to have come from Valle Crucis c.1460.

Glass is made from silica sand combined with a flux (a substance that lowers the melting point of silica) and a stabilizer to produce a material that is durable. During the Middle Ages different metal oxides were incorporated into the fabric of the glass itself.  Copper oxide was used to create reds, gold was used to create deep ruby reads, cobalt oxide produced blues, cobalt and manganese oxide produced  purples, and iron oxides provided greens and yellows.  Impurities in those metal oxides lead to variation in those colours.  This is known as pot-metal glass.  Pot-metal glass was not made in Britain throughout medieval, Tudor and Stuart periods, and was imported from French and Flemish regions.

Whilst hot, molten glass can be manipulated and shaped by tools and a glass blowing iron.  There are two main methods of blowing glass into a sheet by gathering molten glass on the end of a blowing iron. The ‘crown’ method involves turning the blowing iron while blowing. The centrifugal force produces a spun disc, thickest in the centre where the blowing iron is joined. Whilst still hot the crown is cut away from the blowing iron and left to cool. Using the ‘cylinder’ technique the molten glass is blown into a balloon-like shape. During the annealing process the ends are cut off and the muff, as it is known, is scored down the middle and then re-heated to form a large flattened sheet. [Ely Museum p.5]

Glass could then be painted with a dark oxide to show details such as facial features and folds in fabric before being re-fired to again fix the colour.  Each panel of coloured glass in a design was separated by lines of lead with an H-shaped profile that provided the slots into which the glass was inserted (called “lead-cames“), after which the lead was soldered to form a matrix.  To waterproof the panes, a black putty was inserted into gaps between the glass and the lead.

To keep matters simple I have based the following quick overview of some of the landmarks in stained glass production on Roger Rosewell’s history of the subject in his 2012 book Stained Glass (see Sources), focusing on what can be seen at Plas Newydd.

Upside down duck showing a useful example of the silver oxide stain, from yellow to deep orange, indicating multiple applications of silver stain and multiple firings. Dining room.

Gothic stained glass, familiar from the most elaborate cathedral to the most modest parish church was originally inspired by the abbey church of St Denis near Paris, dating to the 1140s, with its lancet windows filled with coloured glass. In England this found early expression in Canterbury Cathedral (1170) and York Minster (1180-90).   As windows increased in size and complexity to meet the demands of medieval ambition, increasing volumes of stained glass more glass were required to fill the openings.  This reached an apotheosis with Sainte Chapelle in Paris in the mid 13th century with its glorious soaring lancet windows that captured sunlight, converting it into multiple rainbows of colour.  As window openings became more complex, stained glass artists were asked to fit glass within often intricate stone tracery shapes such as trefoils and cinquefoils.

Against this trend towards luxuriant richness of colour and content, a form of glass called grisaille was introduced into abbey churches of the Cistercian monastic order from the early 13th century.  “Plain glass was seen as symbolizing the truth and purity of God, and less likely to distract monks form their prayers,” producing “a silvery light conducive to prayer and contemplation” (Rosewell 2012, p.17).  This began to appear in other churches too, allowing in more light and framing other designs.

A major innovation was introduced in the early 14th century with the use of a silver salt solution that was found to produce a stain which, when heated, would produced colours between yellow and deep orange.  This had a profound influence on stained glass production, introducing unprecedented flexibility into the design process.  It was adopted on the continent and found its way into England by the 1320s.  Instead of each colour being separated by lead, a larger white panel could be painted with the silver oxide, sulphide or chloride stain before being fired to create larger, more complex images.  A nice example from Plas Newydd is the saint’s head with halo, above right.  Multiple coatings of the silver oxide resulted in darker colours, from dark yellow to orange.  You can see the effect of this on the upside-down duck, above right.  Eventually the silver was applied to blue glass to create green.  These innovations also meant that heraldry, which began to be popular in churches in the 13th century, and background patterns became much easier to produce over the coming centuries.

The gold stars on red backgrounds are two of three fragments in the library demonstrating abraded red flash, a technique innovated in the 14th century, dated by Lewis to c.1500.

Another innovation of the 14th century is what is referred to as “flashing and abrading,” in which white glass was coated (flashed) with a thin layer of pot-metal coloured glass on one side, before being fired to fuse the two together.  This was more translucent than pot-metal glass, allowing more light to pass through and allowing  gradations of colour and shading, particularly helpful with the deep and somewhat impenetrable red of pot-metal glass.  Byetching it (abrading)  it was possible to achieve rich patterns in the colouring.   There is an example of this technique at Plas Newydd using the same technique shown above on the red background with gold stars.  Grisaille now began to be replaced by small clear glass diamond-shaped “quarries” that featured naturalistic images including flowers, leaves, insects and birds, and their use extended into the 15th to 17th centuries.  For the first time, inscriptions in stained glass are in English as well as Latin.

As stained glass became an essential feature of architecture, and influence from illuminated manuscripts began to make an impression in the late 14th to early 16th century, new approaches to images were explored.  Nature was represented in more realistic ways so that leaf and flower types were recognizable, faces were also painted with more realism.  Canopy images, which had begun to appear in the late 12th century became increasingly elaborate in the 13th and 14th centuries.

This detail of the main dining room window shows a cleric with a mitre, with the curtailed text beneath and, on blue, a fragment of the IHS monogram.  All are dated by Mostyn Lewis to the end of the 15th century/beginning of the 16th century.   At far right, top, a “rose ensoleilée” (a rose contained within sun rays) is dated to around 1470.

In the later 15th century, stained glass now extended into the homes of the newly wealthy middle classes. In churches, images of canopies in stained glass, bits of which can be seen at Plas Newydd, were often “spectacular confections” with “carved bases and capitals  elaborate side shafts, traceried windows, battlements, flying buttresses, turrets and pinacles” (Rosewell, p.24).  Lead dividers were considered more intrusive than helpful, and their presence was minimized where possible.  Brushwork became more important, with the use of shading and improvements in draughtsmanship with the further development of realistic rather than stylized depictions of human anatomy and nature, and the addition of more patterning, although canopy images were retained.  Architecture and landscapes began to appear, including the use of perspective to suggest more realistic depth of field.  Quarries, the small diamond-shaped windows pieces mentioned above, were now stained with the emblems of flowers, birds, leaves, insects and heraldic themes. The oldest piece of stained glass at Plas Newydd as identified by Mostyn Lewis is the “rose ensoleilée,” which he dates to 1470, and is shown at top right of the image.

Small pane in the library, showing a man and woman in period costume with a lamb on a gold oval between their heads, done in a painterly style. Dated by Lewis to the late 16th-early 17th century. Library, central window.

Between 1500 and 1540 the Renaissance began to influence British stained glass via Burgundian and Flemish artists, with painterly approaches and the introduction of receding perspectives in both landscape and architectural scenes.  A good example of the use of perspective at Plas Newydd is in the Exhumation scene in the Dining Room (see below). 

The first half of the 16th century was a turbulent century for stained glass in Britain, with Henry VIII ordering images of St Thomas Becket to be destroyed in painting, sculpture and glass.  The Dissolution, beginning in 1535, and the subsequent Reformation were responsible for even more destruction; A lot of stained glass was lost after Henry VIII suppressed British monasteries, granting them to his favourite followers, and many of these new private owners demolished church buildings in order to build new country houses.  Under Henry VIII’s son Edward VI (reigned 1547-1553) the proscription against idolatry and relics, particularly the royal Injunction of 1547, resulted in more targeted destruction. Because of the expense of replacement, this practice largely ceased under Elizabeth I (reigned 1558-1603), but very little new glass was being produced.  

From the mid-16th century into the mid 1600s an important innovation in Europe was the development of translucent enamel paints formed of powdered ground glass mixed with a medium that was painted on to glass and fired to fuse them, just as though the glass was canvas, making lead unnecessary.  It was incredibly versatile, encouraging a more painterly approach that departed from traditional stained glass styles and making heraldry on glass far easier to produce.  As its introduction coincided with Louis XIII’s invasion of Lorraine in 1636 and the destruction of the glass works, meaning that French pot-metal was no longer available, enamel paints became the only affordable solution to coloured glass.  

In the mid 17th century Britain was plunged into Civil War and between 1649 and 1660 became a commonwealth before the restoration of the monarchy under Charles II.  During the subsequent Civil War, stained glass was again targeted.  This was followed by a period of considerable change in church architecture with a different paradigm introduced in the late 1600s and throughout the 18th century,  when light and airy interiors began to be preferred and stained glass was no longer a dominant element.  There was no stained glass, for example, in St Paul’s Cathedral.  The parallel fashion for heraldry helped to sustain the stained glass industry as heraldry became a medium for expressing social status and ancestral values.  The majority of the heraldic glass in Plas Newydd belongs to the 17th century.

Detail of one of the attic windows, all dated to the 19th century

The Gothic Revival of the 19th century was accompanied by the Pre-Raphaelite, Arts and Crafts movement and Art Nouveau, all of which influenced the style of imagery in stained glass in both ecclesiastical and secular contexts.  Romantic and sentimental depictions of faces and nature were common, and there was a renewed interest in Gothic shapes and images, although these tended to have a distinctly Victorian twist.  Whilst original medieval techniques were revived for some glass, including pot-metal glass, there was also a production line approach to the manufacture of a lot of stained glass that undermined the overall quality and originality of glass.  William Morris and some of his Arts and Crafts circle emphasized the importance of a personal end-to-end approach, as well as medieval methodologies.  In addition to being installed in churches in vast numbers, stained glass continued to be used in domestic, civic and corporate buildings.  All of the glass in the attic in Plas Newydd is judged by Lewis to date to the 19th century, although it is also possible that some of the yellow-stained pieces were earlier.

 

Dating the Plas Newydd stained glass

In this panel the robin and fly, the face with leaves, and the bowl of vegetables and fruit, with a very delicate butterfly to their right, are all thought by Lewis to be Dutch and dated to the early 17th century.

The survey of the glass by Mostyn Lewis in his 1970 book on stained glass in North Wales notes different stained glass manufacturing techniques identifiable in the fragments.  He found that a lot of the stained glass at Plas Newydd, like most of the wood carving, dates to the 17th century, even though the area was particularly rich in 15th and early 16th century glass. Perhaps this supports the idea that most of the glass was obtained from dealers who were much further afield, rather than on a piecemeal and ad hoc basis from local sources.  There are also pieces from around 1500, some from later in the 16th century, and some which may be from the 18th century, as well as some that Mostyn Lewis says may be from the early 20th century.

Lewis also notes that although there are British examples of stained glass, much of the glass was Dutch or Flemish in origin.  For example, Lewis believes that the “beautifully-painted fragments of birds and flowers” in the library at Plas Newydd are probably Dutch because they closely resemble examples in paintings.  As well as the fragments, the few complete panels are probably also Dutch or Flemish. The multiple lights that make up the single conception in the dining room (which Lewis refers to as the “Anteroom”) was signed F. Struis, and is dated by Lewis to around 1870,

Themes

Fragment of a scene showing either an exhumation or a burial, dated by Mostyn to the 17th century. Dining room.

There are suggestions from the subject matter about the type of buildings from which the stained glass may have derived. The fragments unsurprisingly contain a lot of religious themes, presumably having come from churches, and there are suggestions, unconfirmed, that some of it was taken from Valle Crucis.  The bearded man with a halo further up the page (library, far right window), in greys and yellows, and the beardless man on an orange background, with a halo and mitre (library, top centre), may have been sourced from church contexts.  It seems probable, as well, that the monochrome scene that Lewis suggests shows the exhumation of a bearded man (although I am not sure why it cannot equally be seen to show a burial) in the dining room, the Flagellation of Christ scene in the main bedroom, and the figure of Mary Magdalene with yellow hair and a blue dress in the Oak Room (on the left as you walk in) were similarly sourced from religious buildings.  There are many similar fragments dotted throughout the house from different periods, including at least two fragments showing the IHS Christogram, and various parts of Gothic-style canopy.

Mary Magdalene holding Christ’s feet at the base of the crucifix. Oak Room

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Instantly recognizable in this mixture of fragments are the three wheat sheaves against a blue background, a feature of the coat of arms of of Chester and Cheshire. Upside-down blue peacock feathers are a delicate and lovely feature.

Although stained glass is most often thought of as being associated mainly with church architecture, during the Tudor period it became commonly employed in civic and domestic contexts where it often took the form of heraldry, where it could be employed to capture and validate family history and ancestry, help to establish new institutional identities, or reinforce the historical legitimacy of older ones, such as guilds or local government institutions.  For example, in the library Lewis says that the heraldry mainly represents descendants of Llywelyn Aurdorchog in northeast Wales including Eyton, Evans of Oswestry and Wattsay (now Wynnstay), Bromfield and, probably, Lloyd of Llangollen Fechan. A nice piece in the main library window shows the three golden wheat sheaves of Chester and Cheshire on a deep blue background.  Some of the heraldry is thought to be fake, such as in the bedrooms.

Other themes focus on the natural world, and could have come from either religious or secular contexts, some of which are very fine, like the spider’s web and plant with fruit shown and a butterfly just below;  the robin with a fly above it next to an ornamentation featuring root vegetables, also shown just below; the peacock feathers shown immediately above, and the upside-down duck in the dining room shown further up the page.  These, however, could have come equally from ecclesiastical, civic, commercial or domestic contexts.

 

 

Collecting the stained glass

Main window in the library, separated into shapes that emulate lancet window arches. An orange ecclesiastical figure tops the composition, and the central panel is flanked by heraldic shields

Lady Eleanor, who kept journals, some of which survive, and Sarah Ponsonby, some of whose letters are also preserved, failed to write down why they suddenly began collecting carvings and glass, but in the case of the stained glass it is quite likely that they were impressed by the examples at Brynkinalt near Chirk, where they were occasional visitors, and which is also described by Mostyn Lewis in his book on stained glass in North Wales.  The Plas Newydd glass is also mentioned in various contemporary letters and travelogues.  The earliest reference that I have found to date is a year after they moved in, in November 1781:

John Jones’ servant came this morning from Oswestry with a casement window of painted Glass, the arms of Trevor, Owen, and Godolphin family with their different quarterings, a present from Mr Owen of Porkington.

On January 8th 1790 Lady Eleanor’s journal states that they were looking at prices of stained glass from Mr Eginton in Birmingham:

Prices of stained glass – Blue, Green, Purple 5/6 per lb – Yellow 7/6 – Orange 11/7 – Deep red 13/6 – made by Eginton at Soho (Square) Birmingham  – One pound generally measures about a foot square – best mode of purchasing it would be to cut Patterns of Paste board to fit the Frames and write on Each pattern the Colour wanted.

Millar, James; Francis Eginton (1736/1737-1805); Birmingham Museums Trust; http://www.artuk.org/artworks/francis-eginton-173617371805-34319

This almost certainly referred to the what their friend the poet Anna Seward reffered to as the “prismatic lantern” that was installed as an arch between the dining room and the library,  Mr Eginton may also have been a supplier of salvaged glass, but even if this was not part of his remit he may well have been able to put the ladies in touch with someone who could supply them.

The journal for May 1790 adds a note to suggest that at least some of their stained glass was the result of gifts from visitors:

Mr and Mrs Garden brought a present of stained glass. They have resided at Orleans these four years

Another reference dates to 1792, when a visitor, Katherine Plymley, noted that in the library there was “a compass window with a great deal of painted glass,” which could refer to any of the oriel (or bay) windows fitted with stained glass.

It was in 1794 that the ladies wrote a letter to Mr Eginton of Birmingham regarding the manufacture of what their friend Anna Seward referred to as their “prismatic lantern.”  It seems certain from the above that the ladies had started collecting stained glass in the last decade of the 18th century. [All the above references are quoted on the Early Tourists in Wales website].

Chapter House window openings at Valle Crucis. Source: Hughes, January 1895

There is no indication in the journals or letters about the original sources from which the glass derived.  There are unconfirmed suggestions that some of the medieval glass came from the nearby ruined medieval Cistercian abbey of Valle Crucis, and from which the ladies are said to have liberated both a statue and a font from rubble within the abbey precinct.  The Cistercian monastic order, which in the 12th century had prohibited stained glass, had relaxed its rules by the mid 14th century, particularly impacted by the Black Death, so the abbey, which had a bookroom elaborate door flanked by ornamental window openings in the late 14th century also, in the early 1500s, now included an elaborate abbot’s hall and chapter house.  There are also records of lavish entertaining too. As Greene puts it “Valle Crucis had become unrecognisable as a Cistercian abbey in comparison with its early thirteenth century beginnings” (p,108). At the same time, in this process of relaxed values, new stained glass could have been added.  At the end of the 19th century painted glass was reported in Archaeologia Cambrensis in July 1894 and then again in October 1894, uncovered during archaeological excavations. It was only found in small amounts, but it does indicate that it was once there to be found:

The late 14th century book room, attached to the Chapter House, at Valle Crucis near Llangollen. No in-situ glass survives at the site.

July 1894:
Under the roots of an old sycamore-tree, close to_the buttress, he also came upon a quantity of old glass of different periods (some very early, and some of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries), which has since all been set in a small frame, and is now in the Museum attached to the Abbey.

October 1894:
Of painted glass several fragments have been discovered by the Rev. H. T. Owen, the present custodian. Many of these are so far decayed that it is impossible to make out even their pattern, but some perfect pieces have been found. Those in the best state of preservation were discovered immediately outside the north aisle-windows. Amongst these fragments are the representation of a foot, several fleurs-de-lys, and many pieces of single coloured glass, for the most part blue. The remainder of the glass found was in the ground outside the eastern windows of the presbytery. All this glass, however, is much decayed. Some fragments of glass were found in their old leading. All the specimens  seem to belong to rather a late period; and probably, when first erected, the windows were glazed with white glass, and it was not till the Cistercians began to set the old regulations at defiance that the painted glass was introduced.

I have worked my way through all the excavation reports of the 19th century, including one from 1846, as well as the 1970 excavations by L.A.S Butler (all listed in Sources), but none of them found anything but rare fragments of glass.  All of these reports of course post-date the ladies, although they coincide with the occupations of the house by Mr Robertson (1890-1910), but indicate both that coloured glass was found, and that it was only found in small quantities.  This neither rules in nor rules out that the any of the owners of Plas Newydd acquired their medieval glass from Valle Crucis prior to the excavations, and still leaves the possibility open.

Strawberry Hill House. Source: Wikipedia

Whatever odds and ends may have come from Valle Crucis, most of the glass was much later in date, and much of the glass was probably sourced from at least one dealer rather than relying exclusively on local availability.  Collecting old fragments of wood, glass, stone and plasterwork was not as unusual as it might initially seem.  Even in the 17th century it was not at all unusual to keep costs down during the building of a new house, or during the updating of an older house, to import salvaged components. The French Revolution of 1789 and the disruption it caused in western Germany and the Low Countries, included the pillaging of monasteries and churches, created a supply that met the growing antiquarian demand for old glass, carvings, sculpture, and furniture.  Salvage became a lucrative trade in the 18th and 19th centuries, either when a building’s interior was remodelled, when a home or church was demolished, or when an impecunious owner sold glass and other decorative arts to raise funds. A new brand of middlemen developed in England to meet the demand, importing looted decorative arts in bulk and making it available to the new brand of wealthy collector.  In the mid-18th century Hugh Walpole, son of Britain’s first Prime Minister, created a vast and elaborate extravaganza with Strawberry Hill House, including a patchwork of stained glass from both England and abroad.

Modern glass was also available to purchase, and some of the Plan Newydd glass was contemporary with either the ladies or later owners.  It has already been noted above that Eleanor’s journal records prices of stained glass from Francis Eginton.  A letter to Mr Eginton regarding the cutting of the glass for the prismatic arch (from the dining room into the library) is quoted further below, but is a clear indication that the ladies were not confined to local sources for either stained glass or specialist work that they required.  The same letter states that Mr Eginton should forward the completed assignment to Shrewsbury where “they may prepare the joiners for putting up the work accordingly,” which again confirms that they were able to use dealers and craftsmen much further afield than their immediate area.

Detail of the panel of Charles V and the Chevalier de Bayard in the dining room (the full panel is shown further down the page).

The fragments identified as post-1831 (the date of Sarah Ponsonby’s death) were clearly installed by later tenants.  For example, there is a piece of glass in the attic that is clearly Pre-Raphaelite in inspiration, placing them in the mid- to late-1800s, again after the deaths of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby.  All of the glass in attic room, formerly Mary Carryll’s room (d.1809), was dated collectively by Lewis to the 19th century but the Pre-Raphaelite style head suggests that these windows may have been installed from the mid-1900s, the Pre-Raphaelites having assembled in 1848 (although active as individuals prior to this date).  It would anyway have been unusual for a bedroom actually in use to have blocked off a good view with uninterrupted stained glass.  It seems at least possible that the attic glass was installed after the deaths of both ladies when the room was no longer used as a maid’s bedroom.  Two other examples are the elaborate window showing Charles V and the Chevalier de Bayard and the roundel showing the Adoration of the Shepherds, both dated by Lewis to 1870.  This suggests that they were installed either by General Yorke or Mr Roberts.  Pieces assigned by Lewis to the 20th century would, if correct, date their installation to the period when the house was occupied by Mr Roberts or a later resident.  This includes the faux heraldry in the two bedrooms.

 

Complete pieces

As well as fragments assembled into patchworks, there are a small number of windows that were installed intact, of which the one below is a particularly good example.  Showing Charles V of Sweden and the Chevalier de Bayard, it is surrounded by Classical style “grotesques,” fantastical images that show mythological beasts and figures that are part-human and part-plant with wings. It was signed F. Struis Antwerp and was dated by Mostyn Lewis to around 1870 (but apparently based on an earlier style).   Charles V inherited a peaceful kingdom and proceeded, as Holy Roman Emperor from 1500-1558  to define his rule by engaging in warfare.  The Chevalier de Bayard was a renowned French late medieval military leader.  Other than being notable warriors, the two were unconnected.  The window has been repaired in at least one place, possibly two.  Most obviously, the legend under the image of Charles V is incomplete, and the panel replacing the gap is obviously a sympathetic repair; in a similar style the colours of the foliage in the paintwork on the heraldic shield at top right seems inconsistent with the other images on the panel.

Roundel showing the Adoration of the Shepherds, c.1870.

In the second bedroom, known by Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby as the State Bedroom, there is a very nice roundel showing the Adoration of the Shepherds, which Lewis dates to c.1870.   The use of the lead divides the scene sympathetically, outlining rather than interrupting the main subjects, and it is well painted with realistic facial details.  The face of the Virgin Mary has some Pre-Raphaelite romance in its design, but is delicate, not drifting into some of the excess romanticism of the period.  It retains a sense of the quiet dignity and intimacy of the imagined moment.  The limited use of rich colours provides interest and directs attention towards the primary participants in the scene, without dominating.

 

Fragments

The Oak Room

There are two window openings in the Oak Room.  The first, on the left as you enter the room, consists of two sections divided into two lancets (gothic-style points) and at the end of the room in a niche, a smaller window has been arranged a single lancet.   The stained glass is confined to the window corners, providing interest and colour whilst still allowing light into an otherwise very dark room.

The most prominent pane in this set is the yellow-haird and bearded man with orange cloak and staff, but it is not known who he represented. On the left of the image are a pair of scissors tied with a bow and what Lewis describes as “a fat Magdalene” with yellow hair and a blue dress, holding Christ’s feet. Lewis dates these to the 17th or 18th century and suggests that they are “Continental.”

 

This is a more mixed set with at least two faces and some indistinct pieces, which Lewis again dates to Lewis dates to the 17th or 18th century , “Continental.”

 

The niche in the Oak Room consists mainly of fragments of yellows and oranges on white.  Lewis does not mention this in his book

 

The Dining room

With its leather wall-coverings and glass cabinet, and its simple fire surround, no overmantel, but decorated with delftware tiles, the dining room is a very attractive space that feels quintessentially Victorian.  Most of this is due to General Yorke who, when he bought the house in 1876, not only replaced the kitchen with the Oak Room, but remodelled much of the dining room, adding Lincrusta wallpaper and plan dark oak panneling beneath, and probably the stained glass panels showing Charles V and the Chevalier de Bayard (shown above).  Most of the colour in the room derives from the lovely corner panels filled with fragments of stone glass which, like the Oak Room, were installed by Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby and define the appearance of the lancet-shaped window tops.

Plas Newydd dining room, set up with loose-leaf folders and laminated pages in English and Welsh for visitors to read

The two windows overlooking the formal garden at the front, installed by Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby, are rectangular windows that have been divided into lancet shapes, each with two corners containing stained glass fragments, just like the Oak Room.

Dining room glass

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Lewis does not comment much on the left window, saying simply “Continental, yellow stain, coloured enamels,; some British, c.1500.”  He offers more information on the right window:
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Right window, top left corner:

The dominant image in the top left corner appears to show the exhumation of a bearded man. The man overseeing the process may have been a monk. Two women are shown at left. Lewis believes that it dates to the 17th Century

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Right window, top right corner:

The main fragment in this corner is on its side, showing a finely painted circumcision scene with a baby on a red cushion, a bearded man with headdress and tasselled cloak, and another with a white collar. A third, with a head covering, holds a knife. Red stain and coloured enamels were used.

From the Dining Room into the Library: Prismatic arch

Dining room side of the prismatic arch

One of the features most celebrated by visitors to Plas Newydd during the tenure of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby was the richly coloured illuminated door arch, a wooden arch-shaped container formed at the top of a door leading from the dining room into the library.  On either side of this arch, and underneath it, is stained glass, within which lamps were lit to bring out the luminosity of the glass.  It was a wonderfully innovative feature, that was mentioned by visitors to the house in their journals, letters and travelogues.  Even better, the Early Tourists in Wales website quotes a letter sent by the ladies to a Mr Egington of Birmingham who made it for them:

1794, 14 March
Letter from The Ladies, Llangollen Vale. 14th March, 1794 to Mr Eginton.
Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Ponsonby are under a necessity of troubling Mr Eginton in regard to a door light of stained glass which Mr Eginton is making for them, according to  a design and directions forwarded to him the 2nd February by Mr Tudor [upholsterer?] of Shrewsbury, and which they shall esteem as a particular favour Mr Eginton completing without loss of time, as a longer delay than the middle of next week will be of the most serious inconvenience to them.  They further request he will inform them by a line, addressed, within, to Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Ponsonby, Llangollen, near Oswestry, what day it leaves Birmingham and may be expected at Shrewsbury that they may prepare the joiners for putting up the work accordingly.  Mr Eginton’s speedy attention to this request, will much oblige the Ladies”.
Provenance: From the 19th century album of Emma Marshall of Penworham Lodge, Preston. Emma was the daughter of William Marshall, landowner and cotton manufacturer and was related by marriage to the Miller family of Baronets, M.P.s and landowners.
http://www.owenandbarlow.com/pd-the-ladies-of-llangollen-autograph-letter.cfm
[Source: Early Tourists in Wales]

Underside of the prismatic lantern

In 1795 poet Anna Seward (the so-called “Swan of Lichfield” wrote a letter in which she described the archway, giving it the name “prismatic lantern:

The ingenious friends have invented a kind of prismatic lantern, which occupies the whole elliptic arch of the Gothic door. This lantern is of cut glass, variously coloured, enclosing two lamps with their reflectors. The light it imparts resembles that of a volcano, sanguine and solemn. It is assisted by two glow-worm lamps, that, in little marble reservoirs, stand on the opposite chimney-piece, and these supply the place of the here always chastized day-light, when the dusk of evening sables, or when night wholly involves the thrice-lovely solitude.

In 1796 Seward followed up her appreciation of the arch, amongst other features in a 29-stanza poem called Langollen Vale, the style of which is romantic, sentimental, and somewhat florid.  It contains the following stanza describing the impact of the arch:

How sweet to enter, at the twilight grey,
The dear, minute Lyceum of the dome,
When, thro’ the colour’d crystal, glares the ray,
Sanguine and solemn ‘mid the gathering gloom,
While glow-worm lamps diffuse a pale, green light,
Such as in mossy lanes illume the starless night.

[posted on the Early Tourists in Wales website]

 

Library side of the prismatic arch


The Library

Back window

The library extends outwards into the rear garden, giving the room a more substantial and refined air than the other, smaller rooms in the house.  Although partly concealed behind curtains, this is the biggest single display of stained glass fragments in the house.  It is difficult to see details clearly without a zoom lens or binoculars, but it certainly rewards some contemplation, with multi-period and multi-themed pieces all fitted into a bewilderingly attractive ensemble.

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Plas Newydd library

 

 

A charming detail of the main library window showing “Morning,” presumably one of a series. Lewis provides no further details.  I have tried searching for the poem online without success.  If anyone has any information about it please let me know.

Fayre Nymphe whose chast and fragrante beautyes runne
A course yt honours and prevents the sune
Tis thou yt breaking through ye lightened ayre
Comst first ahead and shakst day from the hayre
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Two sets of four heraldic devices in the library, with another isolated example above the lower set.  The lovely wild boar at top left probably dates to the early 18th century.

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Detail of the library window with mixed fragments including, at bottom right, two portrait-style images.  The black wyvern with a kinked tail and a crown around its neck, standing on a red pillow, is very nearly identical to one at Brynkinalt in a window with a number of heraldic and other pieces at the head of the stairs in the Great Hall.

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Detail of the Library window with a winged animal, a headless ostrich on an orange background, a red-headed green parrot eating a cherry, a yellow star on a red background (abraded flashed glass) and what looks like an artichoke (symbol of prosperity, hope, love and fertility), as well as a heraldic shield that is one of a set of four.

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First landing

A pretty roundel of rich glass is at the top of the stairs, forming the pattern of a flower in red, green and black.  The glass rest of the glass is transparent, letting in light over the staircase and the surrounding carvings, and offering views over the rear garden.

At the top of the staircase

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The main bedroom

Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby shared the main bedroom, an arrangement by no means unusual in the Georgian period.  They used the adjoining dressing room and the bedroom itself in the evenings to update their accounts, write journals and letters.   The windows mix transparent glass and stained sections, providing both colour and light.  The heraldry in the windows is, according to Mostyn, modern and probably invented for decorative purposes.  Pieces of the light green glass surrounding some of the heraldry is textured in a style that was not introduced until the 20th century.  There are however older fragments in the top panels, probably Flemish dating to the 17th century.  

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Lower half of a female figure, probably 17th century Flemish

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A detail of the window showing a fragments of the Flagellation, with Christ tied to a pillar being beaten, with architectural details in the background. Probably 17th century Flemish

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Modern heraldic glass in the main bedroom (left)

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Lion rampant heraldic shield

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The second bedroom (the state bedroom)

This is very like the main bedroom in both design and the fragments chosen for their brightness and colour, and also includes heraldry framed in fragments, which Lewis places in the 20th century.

The second bedroom

 

Stained glass in the second bedroom with faux 20th century heraldry

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Stained glass in the second bedroom

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Stained glass in the second bedroom with faux early 20th century heraldry

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The first floor landing leading to the attic

As in other part of the house, three rectangular windows have been given a gothic appearance by the addition of lancet-shaped frames.  In the corners made are floral and leaf shapes using pot-metal glass that provides a particular richness to the windows..   Inserted into two of the windows are identical botanical motifs, each surrounded by other fragments, all framed. The right hand frame has rounded corners at the base to look a little like a heraldic design.Lewis gives a probably date to the mid-19th century.

First floor landing

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The Attic (Mary Carryll’s Bedroom)

All of the stained glass in the attic has been dated by Mostyn Lewis to the 19th century, although some of it might feasibly be earlier.  This would have blocked the view over what in the days of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby was a field but is now the formal yew tree garden.

 

 

The Dressing Room (State Room) and the rest of the attic

The dressing room has been closed all season to date, so I have not been able to look at and photograph the stained glass.  Hopefully I will be able to do this at some point in the future, as the room is currently being refurbished.  As well as Mary Carryll’s room here are other rooms at the very top of the house, the attic level, that are not open to the public so I have not been able to include those.
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Lost glass

When talking about the glass in the dining room, Lewis comments “Much of the early window glass has now disappeared, but there are fragments dating from c.1500.”  He does not elaborate on this, but it does imply that there was glass in at least one room that has been replaced, although it is not stated when these replacements might have been made or why a replacement would have been required.

Above the front door was a roundel, now clear glass, which once held a mermaid, which sounds charming, and which he dated to the 17th century, but was already damaged when Lewis was writing in 1970 and has now apparently been removed, or has been lost:

Mermaid, orange hair, yellow tail, holds mirror on which their are arms (unidentified)

In the library Lewis describes a piece of glass that has been lost, which is such a shame as it sounds like a classic:

Until recently, delightfully vulgar fragment of a man with trousers down, telling off two others, one sitting on basket (all that remains), probably Flemish early C.XVII; now destroyed, whether by stone of naughty child or by umbrella of prude, I do not know. (p.121)

Fascinatingly, in 1818 G.H. Steele wrote in his travelogue A Three Weeks Tour into Lancashire, Cheshire and North Wales, that there was “a beautiful greenhouse the front of which consists of beautiful stained glass.”  It was also mentioned in the auction catalogue that followed Sarah’s death.  I would have given much to have seen it!

Finally, it is not known exactly what either of the wings added by General Yorke and Mr Robertson looked like, but this postcard shows a room, which although it looks very like the library in some ways, does not look like the stained glass ass it is today.  General Yorke ran the house as a museum, so the postcard may have dated to this time.

At first glance I thought that this was the library at Plas Newydd, but I am not at all sure if it is.  The stained glass does not look quite right.  The contents of the room certainly post-dated Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby and probably date from the time of General Yorke. Source: RCAHMW

Final Comments

Stained glass in the library

Plas Newydd is an absolute rock-star of a house, full of colour, light, and original creativity.  It belongs not only to the inspiration of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby but also to subsequent owners who built on the remarkable legacy that the ladies had built.  The stained glass was probably the earliest of the steps taken by Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby in their long history of collecting and installing salvaged decorative arts, beginning almost as soon as they arrive in the 1780s; their collections of wood carving only seem to have begun in 1814.  Their experiences of collecting stained glass may well have set their other collections in motion.

Whether or not the eclectic and diverse stained glass can be considered to have artistic merit is entirely subjective and a matter of personal taste.  Writing in 1968 John Harries made the following comment about mixed stained glass:

Many pictures in galleries have been retouched or repainted in surprisingly large areas, and we do not think a great deal worse of them for that.  But what of those windows where a light, or window opening, has been made up of assorted panels or figures, roundels and shields, bits and pieces of borders and patternwork by the same artist – even by different artists, for from different churches? . . . The result would be interesting but ridiculous.  And yet a surprisingly large number of windows are like this . . . They are often still enjoyable. [Harries 1968, 1980, p.5]

Pointing to the “rich colour and beautiful drawing of detail” Harries believes that it says “much for the robustness of stained glass” that it retains its beauty in spite of its removal from its original context.  This is exactly the case at Plas Newydd where the stained glass is frequently referred to as a jigsaw, but unlike a jigsaw it was never intended to form a coherent and recognizable whole.  Instead, if an analogy is needed, then it is more like a patchwork, with attractive but random pieces joined together to create a beautiful and unique artistic creation, full of wit and imagination.

Visiting

For visiting details, please see my previous post about Plas Newydd here.  As well as the splendid house, there is a limited amount of free parking, an excellent cafe and lovely stream-side walks with wild flowers.


Sources

With thanks to stained glass specialist Aleta Doran (www.aletadoran.co.uk/) for sending me material to help with my understanding of the background history to stained glass manufacture and development – and for untangling my confusion about grisaille glass!

Books, booklets and papers

Wild boar, probably early 18th century. Library

Butler, L.A.S. 1976.  Valle Crucis Abbey:  An Excavation in 1970.  Archaeologia Cambrensis 125 (1976), p.80-116

Fleming, John. and Honour, Hugh 1977, 1989 (2nd edition). The Penguin Dictionary of Decorative Arts. Viking

Greene, J. Patrick. 1992. Medieval Monasteries. Leicester University Press

Harries, John 1968, 1980 (2nd edition). Discovering Stained Glass. Shire Publications Ltd.

Harris, John. 2007. Moving Rooms. The Trade in Architectural Salvages. Yale University Press

Hicklin, John 1847.  The “Ladies of Llangollen,”
as sketched by many hands; with notices of
other objects of interest in “That Sweetest of Vales.”
https://www.gutenberg.org/files/20810/20810-h/20810-h.htm

Hughes, Harold 1894.  Valle Crucis Abbey. Archaeologia Cambrensis, 5th Series, Vol.XI, No.XLIII, July 1894, p.169-185

Hughes, Harold 1894.  Valle Crucis Abbey. Archaeologia Cambrensis, 5th Series, Vol.XI, No.XLIV, October 1894, p.257-275

Hughes, Harold 1895.  Valle Crucis Abbey. Archaeologia Cambrensis, 5th Series, Vol.XII, No.XLV, January 1895, p.5-17

Lewis, Mostyn 1970. Stained Glass in North Wales up to 1850. John Sherratt and Son Ltd.

Mavor, Elizabeth 1984.  Life with the Ladies of Llangollen. Viking (hardback). (Published by Penguin in 1986 in paperback as A Year with the Ladies of Llangollen)

McRae Thomson, Aidan 2018. Stained Glass. Amberley Publishing

Osborne, Harold (ed.) 1970. The Oxford Companion to Art. Oxford University Press

Osborne, Harold (ed.) 1975. The Oxford Companion to the Decorative Arts. Oxford University Press

Rosewell, Roger 2012. Stained Glass. Shire Library

Veysey, A. Geoffrey and David Freeman 1988.  Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen. Glyndwr District Council.  (Based on the booklet by Veysey, County Archivist for Clwyd County Council, published in 1980.  Two sections were substantially updated by Freeman in 1988 – the Oak Room and the Ladies’ Bedchamber).

Yorke, Trevor 2022. Victorian Stained Glass. Shire

 

Websites

Brynkinalt Estate
https://www.brynkinalt.co.uk/

Early Tourists in Wales
Plas Newydd Home Page
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/
Descriptions of Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/descriptions-of-plas-newydd-and-the-ladies-of-llangollen/

The Leiden Collection
Young woman in a niche with parrot and cage
https://www.theleidencollection.com/archives/artwork/GD-105_young-woman-in-a-niche-with-a-parrot-and-cage_2023.pdf

Roaringwater Journal
Netherlandish Glass in Ireland
https://roaringwaterjournal.com/2023/09/24/netherlandish-glass-in-ireland/

The Stained Glass Museum
Glossary
The Development of Stained Glass in England

https://stainedglassmuseum.com/glossary

West Midlands History
Francis Egington. Designer and Glasspainter. By Martin Ellis, Curator of Applied Art, Birmingham Museums Trust (no date)
https://historywm.com/file/historywm/e04-a15-francis-eginton-89236.pdf

 

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Valle Crucis Cistecian Abbey, founded 1201

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Plas Newydd in Llangollen: A packed extravaganza of the decorative arts (#1)

Plas Newydd

Plas Newydd today, with the porches and gothic-style windows added by Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby, and the ornamental battens to emulate half -timbering that were added by General John Yorke after 1876.

Plas Newydd was on my long list of things to do in the area, one of those places that every Llangollen visitor aims to tick off.  In spite of the outward mock-Tudor chocolate-box appearance, it is a real gem, a completely fascinating treasure trove of late Gothic and Early Modern wood carving used like wallpaper, together with0 patchworks of fragmented stained glass, plasterwork ceilings, delftware tiles, gilt leather wall hangings and Lincrusta wallpaper.  The story of how this blend of decorative arts came about, based on the enthusiasm of two eccentric Irish ladies who moved here in 1780, is probably better known the house itself.  The eccentricity of both ladies and house is unarguable, but there is an energy and antiquarian-style authenticity about the place that is equally undeniable and is truly compelling.  The house turned out to be an absolute delight.

Plas Newydd as it was at least in the time of General Yorke, just showing his new wing at far left, with the mock-Tudor half- timbering on the original cottage, but retaining the canopied oriel windows and porch installed by the ladies.  Pre-dates the wing added by the Robertson brothers to the right. Source: People’s Collection Wales

Plas Newydd is not merely the story of the two ladies, Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby, who began its transformation from traditional cottage to glorious extravaganza of lovingly-collected decorative arts, but also captures the work of its subsequent owners who, while following in the footsteps of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby, continued to build on the imaginative legacy, adding ever-more creative features and curiosities.  The character of the building is unique.  Although it is an absolute riot of history, textures and ideas, somehow it works both as an aesthetic experiment and as a patchwork collection of earlier materials and styles.

View of Plas Newydd showing the addition of a new wing under the ownership of Mr George Henry Robertson and his brother, who purchased Plas Newydd in 1890. It lacks the hipped roof of the older cottage. The extension built by the previous owner, General Yorke, can just be made out at far left at an angle to the main house (see the photograph below for General Yorke’s wing). Source: The National Archives, ref. INF 9/641/7

The house is a palimpsest, meaning that when you visit, you are confronted with layer upon layer of addition and alteration, but there is no immediate sense of who added what or when.  Even for experts it has been difficult, and in some cases impossible, to establish a timeline for when the alterations to the interior of the building were made, when new features were added and by whom.  As none of the parties recorded their purchases and installations, distinguishing between wood carving additions made by the ladies and by General Yorke has been particularly difficult, because their respective collections derive from the same time period in the late 16th and 17th centuries.  It has been less of a challenge to establish a precise chronology for the exterior woodwork, partly because sketches, watercolours and photographs have helped to divide the work of the ladies from those of General Yorke and the Robertson brothers.

A gift from the Vicar of Ruthin

As an example of the palimpsest effect, the visitor’s first view of the exterior is dominated by the regimented decorative battens that imitate half-timbering with the striking urn motifs shown on the photograph above.  This actually belongs to the post-1876 activities of General Yorke, who purchased the property four decades after the death of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby, who were responsible for the elaborately decorated oak porches and the medieval style lancet windows.  From around 1814 the ladies also decided to panel the interior of their modest Welsh cottage with imported pieces of Elizabethan and Jacobean wood carving, and to fit fragments of earlier stained glass in some of their newly fitted lancet windows.  But it was General Yorke who created the Oak Room, which had been the kitchen in the days of the ladies.  In spite of the difficulties concerning the chronology of the installations, it is unarguable that the ladies were certainly responsible for the overall concept.

Now maintained by Denbighshire County Council, the property is beautifully cared for inside and out. The place has an incredibly intimate feeling that was would not have been recognized by any of the ecclesiastical and manorial contexts from which the carvings, leather hangings and stained glass were extracted.

Part 2 of this piece looks specifically at the stained glass, which was surveyed by Mostyn Lewis in 1970.  Part 3 provides short summaries of the “delftware” tiles, the leather wall hangings, the Lincrusta wallpaper and the plasterwork ceilings.  

 

Plas Newydd with Castell Dinas bran on the hill behind it

The library at Plas Newydd

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“The Ladies”

Ireland

Kilkenny Castle in 1832. Source: Wikipedia

Lady Eleanor Butler (1739–1829) and Miss Sarah Ponsonby (1755–1831) met at Kilkenny in Ireland, where Eleanor lived in the family home, Kilkenny Castle, and where Sarah was at the private school run by Miss Parkes, 12 miles away from her home in Inistioge.  Both of them were related to aristocratic families.  13-year old Sarah’s guardian Lady Elizabeth (Betty) Fownes, a cousin of her father, had asked Eleanor’s mother to keep an eye on her orphaned ward, and this task had been seconded to 29-year old Eleanor, the youngest of the Butler daughters and the only one who remained unmarried.  When they first met there was a 16 year difference in their ages, but they became very close, with Sarah’s more retiring and diplomatic character apparently complementing Eleanor’s more forceful and sardonic personality.  After Sarah’s departure from school at the age of 18 in 1773, she moved back to her guardians’ home Woodstock at Inistioge.  Sarah and Eleanor exchanged letters, building on their profound rapport, sharing their stories of mutual unhappiness in their respective homes, and offering each other support.

The ruins of Woodstock House. Source: Wikipedia

As an unmarried and recalcitrant spinster Eleanor was largely disregarded by her family, whilst the gentle Sarah, loved by Lady Betty, was receiving unwanted attention from Lady Betty’s husband Sir William who, according to his granddaughter, thought that Sarah might make a suitable replacement for Lady Betty, should her uncertain health leave him widowed.  Via their correspondence, the friendship deepened, and eventually they decided that leaving Ireland and setting up home together would provide them with the happiness that was otherwise lacking in their lives.  They first attempted to run away from their respective homes to leave Ireland in March 1778.  They were tracked down by Eleanor’s family, crushing their plans to board the ferry to Wales, and were returned to their respective homes.  Lady Eleanor’s mother attempted to convince her to enter a convent in France, where Eleanor had been educated, whilst Sarah was seriously discouraged from pursuing what Lady Betty thought would be a disastrous course of action for her orphaned ward.  When Eleanor again ran away and was found to be hiding in Sarah’s bedroom at her home, Woodstock, assisted by the redoubtable Woodstock maid Mary Carryl (alternatively spelled Carryll or Carol) who was smuggling food to Eleanor, both families were apparently convinced that the Eleanor and Sarah could not be dissuaded, and the two were grudgingly permitted by their families to depart for Wales to make new lives for themselves, accompanied by Mary Carryl.  They left Ireland by ferry in May 1778.

Beginnings in Wales

A very rough sketch of how the modest cottage looked before it was rented by the two ladies, adapted from a contemporary watercolour, in which the frontage is partially concealed by vegetation, included to show how simple the cottage was before modifications began

The ladies arrived in Milford Haven on 9th May 1778, and immediately set off on an adventurous tour of north Wales and the borders, first heading north to Machynlleth and on to Bangor  They visited Llangollen in their travels, but moved on afterwards.  As well as enjoying the opportunities for tourism, they were looking for somewhere suitable to settle down, and were becoming increasingly desperate to locate a suitable home as their funds began to diminish.  They returned to Llangollen later in 1778, staying first at Blaen Bach Farm for the winter, before moving in 1779 to a town property owned by the Llangollen postman.  In 1780 they were at last able to rent the cottage then known as Pen-y-Maes (meaning top of the field) from landlord John Edwards of Pengwern.

The ladies’ new home started its life as a traditional low-ceilinged 3-bay, 2-floor stone-built cottage with a central doorway, five rooms and attic space.  It is sited in a lovely location set above the river valley alongside the shallow and gently bubbling Cufflymen, which still filters water from the hillside into the Dee.  In the grounds were outbuildings including a single-storey stable building to the southwest of the house, which remains today, its construction marked by the inscribed date 1778, predating the arrival of the ladies by two years.  Beyond it, the picturesque ruins of the medieval castle Dinas Bran are visible from what was the field in front of the house where sheep were grazed and which now houses a formal yew garden and an early 20th century Gorsedd stone circle.  The lovely ruins of the medieval Valle Crucis Abbey were nearby. Both the castle and the abbey were features that resonated with the romantic historical idealism of Georgian and early Victorian society, and which very much appealed to the ladies.

Plas Newydd sometime between 1835 and 1850 by W. Crane showing Dinas Bran on top of the hill in the background. Source: People’s Collection Wales

Bringing Plas Newydd to life

Mary Carryl. Source: National Library of Wales via Wikipedia

Shortly after moving in to Pen-y-Maes cottage the ladies renamed it Plas Newydd, meaning new hall (plas translates roughly as country hall or small manor) and lived there for 50 years.  Their retinue was headed by Mary Carryl, the strong-minded Irish maid from Sarah Ponsonby’s home who remained with them as both employee and close friend until her death in 1809.  Mary had been known in Ireland as “Molly the Bruiser,” and Eleanor mentions hearing a dispute between Mary and a tradesman in which Mary emerged loudly triumphant.

In spite of their financial difficulties, described below, the cottage was evidently far too modest for the expansionist and artistic ambitions of the ladies.  In their hands, from the moment they arrived, it underwent a series of remarkable transformations.  For example, in 1785 they built a small dairy to the west of the house; sections of interior floor tiles were replaced with stone in 1788, when new carpets were also ordered; repairs to the roof and indoor varnishing and painting took place in 1789; and, in 1792, work included plastering and whitewashing, and the addition of a new cellar, a new room and walls in the garden.

Detail of the porch, installed in 1814, with one of the twin lions contributed by Arthur Wellesley

The work to transform the house from traditional Welsh cottage to artistic extravaganza began in around 1798 and was initially inspired by gothic architecture, primarily the pointed lancet arches that characterized their oriel (projecting) windows, the carved wood that framed them outside.  They also introduced stained glass, which was eventually installed in all the most important rooms.  The spectacular porch was installed in 1814 , complete with seating, carved pillars, a canopy, elaborate carvings and lions supplied by the Duke of Wellington. A porch-warming party celebrated its installation.  As well as the corner seats that resembles those in church porches, the front door showed the four evangelists together with the symbols with which they are associated, the underside of the vaulted canopy resembles the chapter house at Valle Crucis Abbey.  The 1988 guide book says that the window canopies over the lancet-shaped windows were a gift from the Duchess of St Albans, although it does not add how it came by this information or, for that matter, the Duchess of Albans might have come by the carvings.  The guide book adds that they show scenes from Greek, Eastern and Hindu mythology.

The stained glass “prismatic” arch between the dining room and library

Other additions were gothic style doors, sash windows, painted glass, and a “prismatic lantern arch” leading from the dining room into the library.  The ladies also filled the house with objects that fascinated them. They were particularly proud of an aeolian harp (a multi-stringed harp that plays itself in the wind – see the video at the end of this post), and their vast collection of books.  As early as 1795 poet Anna Seward referred to house as “the enchanting unique,” talking about the library of books in multiple languages. Although neither lady spoke Greek or Latin, Eleanor spoke fluent French and they taught themselves Italian and Spanish. Thirty years later another visitor, John Lockhart, wrote to his wife in 1825:

But who could paint the prints, the dogs, the cats, the miniatures, the cram of cabinets, clocks, glass cases, books, bijouterie, and whirligigs of every shape and huge – the whole house outside and In (for we must see everything to the dressing closets covered with carved oak – very rich and fine some of it – and the illustrated copies of Sir W’s poems [quoted in Mavor 1984]

Window canopy and surrounding panelling

From around 1814 the ladies began to collect wood carvings, most of which were Elizabethan-Jacobean style  (late 16th-17th century), and with which they panelled their home in a random but fascinating patchwork.  These are most evident in the hallway, the staircase, and the first landing as well as on fireplace surrounds and doors.  It is clear that furniture from churches and grand homes had been dismantled to provide many of these panels, which make up a wild jigsaw of imagery, emblems and patterns.  This remarkable project was preserved by successive owners and supplemented by General Yorke, who converted the kitchen into the Oak Room.

Walking from the little summer house, via steps and rustic fencing, towards the stream in 1835. Source: People’s Collection Wales

The ladies were also very active beyond the house, fulfilling their ambitions to create lovely gardens, both ornamental and practical, with floral and kitchen gardens.   These gardens, as well as the stream-side walks, became as famous as the house itself.  As well as shrubs, ornamental trees and flowerbeds they grew herbs, fruit and vegetables.  In 1789 they were able to list 43 different rose types planted in the garden.  One of the regular expenses listed in their accounts was “muck” to fertilize these new additions.

Ornamental elements extended into the garden, inspired by romantic landscaping publications of the day, eventually including a rustic “bower,” rustic wooden bridges over the stream, a stone shelter next to the stream built for a font liberated from Valle Crucis, a summerhouse above it,  rustic fencing and other little tweaks to complete a perfect extension of the house and its gardens.  Even the natural arrangement stones in the stream was considered to be displeasing, so workers were employed to reposition them to form a more suitably romantic scheme.  These ornamental features were influenced by the French book on the subject which they had in their library.

Although the gardens have been lost in their entirety, partly due to both the Yorke and Robertson extensions, it has been possible for Denbigh Council to recreate some of the ornamental features portrayed by Lady Henrietta Delamere in her sketches, and these really do capture the sense of how the woodland walks must have looked.

The summer house, rustic fence and the grotto-style structure containing the stone font, reached by a bridge over the stream

 

Living

The original watercolour of the two ladies by Mary Parker / Lady Leighton is now in the library at Plas Newydd. Source: People’s Collection Wales

In spite of their spending, the ladies were provided with only small incomes from their families after their departure, and money was a constant worry.  The ladies had ambitions for the house that far exceeded what their finances permitted, and regularly overspent.  The small annual amount supplied to Lady Eleanor by her very wealthy family almost certainly reflected their profound disappointment in her, which some of her letters to them only  served to exacerbate.  Miss Ponsonby’s guardian was not as wealthy but she provided Sarah with a small income, and after her death, Lady Betty’s daughter Mrs Tighe continued to provide Sarah with a small but generous allowance in spite of her own periods of financial difficulty.  In spite of hopes that Eleanor might inherit a significant sum from her parents when they died, she was to all intents and purposes disinherited; her father left her nothing and her mother left her only £100. Nothing was forthcoming when her brother succeeded to the family title in 1791.  For much of her time in Llangollen she was convinced that she had been denied a right to a far more substantial amount by the terms of her brother’s marriage settlement, a source of ongoing bitterness.  A small pension provided to the ladies by the state was very welcome, but unreliable.  A second pension added sometime later was of considerable help, but it too was unreliable.  They often had to request loans from friends, which they sometimes had difficulty repaying, and they were always worried about how to pay their debts to tradesmen.  On several occasions they were late with their rent.  The lack of financial stability is reflected in the many references to their financial embarrassments in Lady Eleanor’s journal, Miss Ponsonby’s accounts and many of their letters, but does not seem to have prevented lavish spending on both the house and on servants and labourers.  The risk of investing so much money and love on improving rented accommodation was demonstrated in 1800 when their landlord, the son of their original landlord, attempted to evict them. Legal steps were taken, and the disaster was averted.

Plas Newydd. Source: People’s Collection Wales

The ladies did take some measures to take advantage of their rural location to become dairy and horticultural producers.  They acquired a cow called Margaret in the 1780s, with three others eventually making up a small herd, and put some of their land down to potatoes which they were selling from at least 1797; barley from 1798 and from 1801 they began to sell butter.  Harvesting hay was an annual occurrence, some of which was used for feeding the cows, but some of which may also have been sold.  They built a poultry yard and had a kitchen garden which was quite clearly overflowing with produce including fruit trees, strawberries, raspberries, gooseberries and melons.  Vegetables included cucumbers, peas, mushrooms, potatoes, asparagus, artichokes and cabbages.  Of course there were overheads.  They were renting some of their land, had to pay for labour to work their horticultural projects, and they were purchasing fruit and vegetable stock and large quantities of muck as fertiliser, but it says much for them that they gave self-sufficiency in food and the sale of surplus their best efforts.

The Hand Hotel, Llangollen (with a rather intriguing plane at top!). Source: The People’s Collection Wales

Local connections and the roll-call of visitors, both welcome and unwelcome, meant that they were far from isolated.  They were introduced to the upper echelons of society in Llangollen and further afield by Lady Dungannon who lived in Brynkinalt near Chirk, made extensive use of the various services offered by the towns-people, and employed a number of servants inside and out.  Eleanor’s spiky personality put some of these relationships at risk, such as their valued friendship with the Barrett sisters Elizabeth and Laetitia and Miss Margaret Davies of Cae Glas, Oswestry;  and relationships with townspeople employed by them were frequently tested to breaking point, exemplified by their dispute with the landlord of The Hand Hotel, but they continued to form an important element of the Llangollen social landscape.  As they became tourist attractions, they became part of the economic reality of the town until the deaths of Eleanor in 1829 and Sarah in 1831.  The occasional fireworks emanating from Eleanor were apparently taken in the town’s stride, possibly due to Sarah’s more amiable personality.

The Ladies of Llangollen, Sarah left and Eleanor right, with the Valle Crucis font and the Gothic-style shelter surrounding it. Source: People’s Collection Wales

The duo became increasingly unconventional and very distinctive in appearance.  They wore riding dress all year round, and they both wore black beaver hats over cropped hair.  This was probably very practical for the lives they lead, but made them stand out, drawing attention.  They were described in 1820 by Charles Matthews in a letter to his wife as “dear antediluvian darlings attired for dinner in the same manified dress, with the Croix St Louis, and other orders, and myriads of large brooches, with stones large enough for snuff-boxes, stuck into their started neckloths.”  Matthews also refers to their powdered hair, black beaver hats and says that they “looked exactly like two respectable superannuated clergymen” (quoted in Mavor 1984).  The only authenticated portrait of them was made clandestinely by Mary Parker, later Lady Leighton, a visitor from Oswestry and amateur artist.  She sketched it in pencil under the table at Plas Newydd when she visited in 1828, later converting it to a water-colour, and still later it became an engraving. A lithograph by Lady Henrietta Delamere became popular but it is not known whether it was taken from life; I suspect that it was based on Mary Parker’s painting, because the heads and faces are at exactly the same angle as the earlier portrait.

The ladies loved to walk, and had a number of favourite circuits, both short and long, of which they were particularly fond, spotting wild flowers, identifying bird song and picking blackberries in the hedgerows.  As well as the exotic artifice that they constructed in house and garden, they loved what nature offered on their doorstep, and is a running theme in Eleanor’s journal.

Sunday January 17th. There is no describing the blazing beauty of the Morning. All the Mountains a glorious Purple and Gold.  Woods Sparkling with Gems. Smoke Silently Spinning in Columns to Heaven – chorus of Birds Hymning their Thanksgiving in every Thicket – tender Transparent Mist Exhaling from the River and Brooks – the Hoar frost Melting before the Suns Brilliant rays and disclosing Such Verdure.

A poem for the two ladies “To The Lady E. B. And The Hon. Miss P.”, written by Wordsworth after a visit in 1824. Source: The Simple Poetry website

Although the idea that had lead to their choice of home was one of peaceful retirement and idyllic retreat, this became more a matter of theory than practice after they became well known.  Soon news of their unconventional lives and appearances and their remarkable house and gardens spread.  They had located themselves in a beautiful part of Wales that was becoming a popular tourist destination, and were positioned conveniently close to Llangollen town centre.  They became a tourist destination in their own right, attracting well known names of the Regency and early Victorian periods, insisting that potential visitors request access in writing to introduce themselves.  There is a dauntingly long list of known visitors on the Early Tourists in Wales website, amongst whom were, in no particular order, the Duke of Wellington (at the time merely Arthur Wellesley), the Duke of Gloucester (nephew of King George III), William Wordsworth, the poet Anna Seward (a firm friend), Sir Walter Scott, Mary Berry, Caroline Lamb, Charles Darwin, Mr and Mrs Piozzi (Mrs Piozzi was the former Hester Thrale, who was close to Dr Johnson and was another firm friend), the Duke of Somerset, Sir Humphry Davy, Robert Southey, Prince and Princess Esterhazy, the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland and Josiah Wedgwood.  The January 1788 visit by Arthur Wellesley was commemorated with an inscription on the fireplace overmantel in the kitchen, now the Oak Room, with the initials EB and SP and the date 1814. Wordsworth composed a poem for them after his 1824 visit, although his reference to Plas Newydd as “low roofed cot” caused more offence than pleasure. The multitude of visits was all the more impressive given that Telford’s road between London and Holyhead did not fully open until 1826, and the railway did not reach Llangollen until 1862.

Initially renting the house, gardens and surrounding woodlands and fields, the ladies were eventually able to purchase the property in 1819 from the son of their original landlord, although given their constant shortage of funds, together with the lack of any records of where the money came from, it is not currently known how they could have afforded the purchase price. One suggestion is that the funds left to Sarah Ponsonby in Mary Carryl’s will when Mary  died in 1809 was the source of at least part of the sum.  Eleanor’s journal makes references to ongoing improvements in their financial situation, so perhaps they were left a bequest by some unnamed benefactor.
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Endings

The memorial in St Collen’s churchyard to Eleanor Butler, Sarah Ponsonby and Mary Carryl. Source: Coflein

Eleanor died on 2nd June 1829 at the age of 90 and Sarah only three years later on 8th December 1831 at the age of 76.  No cause of death for either seems to be known. Many of their closest friends and most of their family had predeceased them and it must have been a strange two years for Sarah, after Eleanor’s death, with no remaining family or close friends nearby.

Both ladies were buried in St Collen’s churchyard alongside Mary Carryl, with whom they share an unusual triangular monument.  A week-long auction followed Sarah’s death, taking place in 1832, selling off everything that was not actually a fixed part of the house itself.  Over 1000 books were sold, together with their furnishings.  Most of their paperwork, including journals, household accounts and letters were apparently disposed of, and only a few of these now survive.  Their gardens were largely destroyed when new extensions were added by subsequent owners, although Lady Delamere’s watercolours preserve aspects of the romantic woodland and stream-side walks.

Legacy

Chase of the Wild Goose book cover. Source: Good Reads

Their legacy is mixed.  Souvenirs were made and widely distributed, and these are of some interest as components of tourism history.  The ladies are now celebrated as the owners of the lovely and unconventional Plas Newydd, once again a major tourist attraction.  At the same time there has inevitably been some debate about the nature of their relationship.  It has been variously proposed that they had sisterly connection, that they were lesbian lovers, that their mutual affection was romantic but not sexual, or that they were simply inseparable kindred spirits.  Apart from their shared lives and shared bed, which are hardly conclusive indicators, there is little to indicate which is the best theory.

In 1936 Dr Mary Louisa Jordan wrote Chase of the Wild Goose, a fictional account based loosely on the lives of the ladies, published in 1936.  Dr Gordon used the basic story of the ladies as a platform to create a narrative about lesbian living, and it was republished in 2023.  Its author was responsible for a plaque to the two ladies in Llangollen’s St Collen’s church.

In 2022 a play called Celebrated Virgins by Katie Elin-Salt and Eleri B. Jones staged at Theatre Clwyd in Mold, based on the story of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby, suggested to one reviewer that it was “palpitating, more narrowly insistent on sexual yearning and the importance of acknowledging exchanges which were once forbidden” (Susannah Clapp in The Guardian) but this seems to be a minority interpretation, even by other reviewers of the same play in the same newspaper.

Whatever the case, the matter of whether their love was purely idealistic, romantic or had a sexual component seems, quite frankly, much less interesting today than could have been when they were alive and when they were accepted in the narrow society of Llangollen and the wider, more varied society of those who visited from London and elsewhere.  In the late 18th and early 19th century they seem to have been accepted for who they were rather than what they may have been.  Their eccentricity made them the subject of discussion, but they lived without scandal.
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Amelia Lolly and Charlotte Andrew

The house in around 1840. Source: Early Tourists in Wales

After Sarah’s 1831 death all the contents of the house were auctioned off over a week-long period in 1832.  The house was subsequently sold to another two spinster ladies resident in Llangollen, Miss Amelia Lolly from Manchester and Miss Charlotte Andrew from Liverpool.  They seemed to have decided to model themselves on Eleanor and Sarah, probably unaware that Eleanor, typically satirical, referred to them derisively as “the Lollies and Trollies,” a play on the names Lolly and Charlotte.

The new owners added a stuffed bear to the porch, which would probably have prompted an extremely acerbic comment from Eleanor.  They do not appear to have modified the house significantly, although they must have had to refurnish it.  They may, of course, have bought some items originally installed in the house at the auction following Sarah’s death, but they also presumably moved in their own furniture.  Their intention seems to have been to maintain the house in the condition in which it was left after the auction, and to benefit from its fame.  Under their tenure the house appears to have been run along the lines of a minor tourist attraction, with showings of the house organized for visitors.  It is not known whether they looked after the shrubberies and kitchen gardens, or the woodland features.  Whilst the house may have remained intriguing thanks to the lingering echo of its former owners, the absence of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby as its hosts probably reduced its curiosity value for tourists quite considerably.

Miss Andrew died in 1854 and Miss Lolly in 1861.  Both were buried in Llantysilio churchyard.  In 1864 a church window was installed in the church of Llantysilio in memory of Charlotte Andrew, showing Timothy reading the scriptures, fulfilling Paul’s command to him.  This window was moved to Trevor Church in 1893.

The house was bequeathed to a relative of Miss Lolly’s, a Mrs Couran, who owned it for some 15 years before selling it in 1873, when it was apparently leased.  In 1876 it was sold briefly to a new owner before being sold on to General John Yorke in May of that year.  General Yorke was an enthusiast for the precedent set by Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsobny, and built on their legacy with enthusiasm.
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General John Yorke

It was not until the purchase of the building in 1876 by General John Yorke C,B., son of Simon Yorke II of Erddig near Wrexham, that the vision of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby was significantly reinforced with new material.  The General had known the ladies as a child when, having fallen from his pony, the ladies had picked him up, ensured that he was in one piece, tidied him up and sent him on his way with pockets full of oranges.  He clearly remembered them with great fondness.

General John Yorke

General Yorke (1814–1890) began his military career in the British Army in 1832, rising through the ranks. He was left permanently lame in the Crimean War in 1854 due to a traumatic and irreversible injury to his leg, but continued to serve and was repeatedly promoted, being made a full general in 1877. He continued to have a role in the military until his death.

The General purchased the house in 1876, 45 years after the death of Sarah Ponsonby, and began to make major alterations that were, however, partially in keeping with the character of the building as left by Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby.  Thanks to his greater resources, his vision was even more elaborate and adventurous than those of the two ladies.  The ladies might have been just as extravagant had the means been available to them, but General Yorke seems to have followed very efficiently in their footsteps.

The black wooden battens with urn motifs that emulate half-timbering date to its ownership by Yorke.  Oblique photographs of the extension added by General Yorke survive, showing how the new wing was at an angle to the original cottage, creating an L-shaped plan.  The extension was removed in the early 1960s due to dry rot.

The new wing added to the side of the original building by General Yorke showing how he continued the tradition of wooden window frames and canopies and exterior panel work and added his own mock-Tudor half timbering. Source: The Sketch, 15th April 1903, The British Newspaper Archive

Inside both old and new buildings, General Yorke had both the means and the inclination to extend the collection of Jacobean oak, as well as introducing painted leather, and eventually lined nearly every wall on the ground floor that was not otherwise adorned with oak with impressed and painted leather and lincrusta wall paper.  His main contribution to the original cottage was the Oak Room, which is a richly ornate celebration of Elizabethan-Jacobean wood and leather work.  Built in what was the kitchen when the ladies were alive, the oak room became both a drawing room and display area.  General Yorke’s kitchen was located in his new wing, shown above.  An inscription over the fireplace with the initials of the lady with the date 1814 and the stained glass are the only original pieces remaining.  As well as 17th century wall hangings made of gilded leather, and 19th century lincrusta wallpaper, the dominant feature of the room is a canopy of wood over more wooden features and a carved oak settle said to have come from a Spanish monastery, although no details are available about which monastery or how it was supposed to have been acquired by the general. It is flanked by ornate leather wall hangings.  The photograph below shows it on the left, and there is a more complete view further down the page.  There are also two panelled recesses, one of which incorporates a pew that belonged to the ladies and is said to come from a Llangollen church.  The main door into the room is also carved and there are carved cupboard doors.  All the fabrics and furnishings are part of the refurbishment of the building.

Detail of the Oak Room showing both carved oak and gilded and painted leather work

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The gorgeous delftware tiles are thought to have been installed by the general, and it seems probable, although I cannot find any specific reference, that the magnificent ceilings were also installed by General Yorke.  Yorke’s approach has been described as “antiquarian” and there is certainly something of the Victorian gentleman collector-cum-historian about General York’s approach to making Plas Newydd a repository not only of decorative arts but also of curiosities, much in the style of Lieutenant General Augustus Henry Lane Fox Pitt-Rivers.  This is the impression that it made on John Murray, who described it as follows in his Handbook for travellers in North Wales, (5th edition, 1885, pages 19-20, quoted on the Early Tourists in Wales website:

The veteran officer who now owns Plas Newydd, has not only zealously preserved it with all its quaint decorations within and without but has greatly added to its curiosities in the way of old furniture, pictures, painted glass, and sculpture – those in ivory executed by himself. He has in fact converted the house in to a Museum of Vertu, a sort of Welsh Strawberry Hill, for the which, as well as for the singular beauty of the spot, Plas Newydd is well worthy of a visit. Visitors pay a fee of 6d., which goes to some local charity.

 

A postcard of the house shows the library with some of the carved ivory work mentioned above protected by glass domes.  There is barely a free surface in the place.  Another postcard, of the Oak Room, shows the extensive carvings and leather-work. Pity whoever had to keep this lot clean and dust-free!

General Yorke’s Oak Room, replacing the former kitchen. Source: People’s Collection Wales

The Coflein website says that by the time Yorke arrived at Plas Newydd the ornamental garden and woodland architectural features, all made of perishable materials, had “fallen into decay,” but what was left of the gardens appears to have remained well stocked whilst he was there.  The photograph further up the page showing his new wing certainly shows what appears to be a well-stocked flower bed had been added in front of the new wing.  The wonderful mock-Tudor water tower in the gardens was one of General Yorke’s additions, and the Coflein website says that where the 1958 ‘Bards’ Memorial’ of 1958. now stands used to be the site of General Yorke’s peacock house, which I would have liked to have seen.

General Yorke’s water tower at Plas Newydd

George Hunter Robertson

George Hunter Robertson. Source: Bygone Liverpool via from London and Lancashire Fire Insurance

The house was sold to George Hunter Robertson of Liverpool in 1890, a wealthy cotton broker who owned the house until 1910, and added his own personality to it.  He apparently shared it with his brother.  He was recorded as a member of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society in its 1875 edition. His addition of a new wing at Plas Newydd built to emulate the style of General Yorke demonstrates that like General Yorke, he had an antiquarian interest in re-assembling components of the past.

Even with General Yorke’s large extension, the property was too small for its new occupant, and he added another wing, this time in a line with the original cottage.  This was provided with some pseudo half-timbering, but of a less elaborate type than that of General Yorke.  It looks as though it had a flat roof, or at least a very shallow hipped roof, making its appearance in photographs look most peculiar, almost an afterthought.  As with General Yorke’s extension, this was removed in the early 1960s due to dry rot, and the end of the original building was provided with a simplified half-timbered appearance to blend in with the frontage, which it retains today.

View of Plas Newydd showing the addition of a new wing, without the hipped roof of the older cottage.  General York’s wing can just be seen at far left.  Also visible is the new formal yew garden. Source: The National Archives, ref. INF 9/641/7

According to Coflein, it was Mr Robertson who created the formal garden with its golden yew shrubs and box-hedging. The yew garden incorporates the base of a cross on a stepped plinth, which is said to have been the 15th century Chester marketplace cross, although I have seen nothing to confirm that this is the actual provenance. Nearby is a font said to be from Llangollen parish church.  I remain unclear about whether these were acquired by the Robertsons or were already there, although the font from Valley Crucis, built into a little shelter by the side of the stream was an acquisition of the ladies.

In 1908 a Gorsedd stone circle with a flat stone at its centre was erected on the lawn just beyond this formal garden for the Llangollen hosting of the National Eisteddfod. The Gorsedd circle was a traditional element of the Eisteddfod celebration of Druidic traditions, and was used to host associated ceremonies.

Gorsedd circle with Plas Newydd beyond and Castell Dinas Bran on top of the hill in the background

After the Robertsons, the house was sold to Mrs G.M. Wilson who lived in it until 1918.  It was sold in 1919 to the 7th Earl of Tankerville whose son sold it to Llangollen Town Council in 1932.===

Plas Newydd 1930 – 1960s

Plas Newydd immediately following the destruction of General Yorke’s wing in the 1960s following the discovery of extensive dry rot. Source: People’s Collection Wales

In 1932 the property was purchased by Llangollen Town Council for £3320 after they had secured a loan to do so, a superb decision.  It was opened to the public a mere year later in 1933.

The wings of Plas Newydd, built by General Yorke and the Robertsons, were occupied in 1934 by the Welsh National Theatre, but in the 1960s they were both found to have pervasive dry rot and had to be knocked down.  Dry rot, which usually finds a home in damp wood, is a fungus, the appropriately named Serpula lacrymons (loosely translated as creeping tear-maker). It is catastrophic if not caught early enough, disintegrating wood and causing destruction of structural integrity.  It is the sort of discovery that plunges the owners of old houses into terror, and it is not at all surprising that in order to save the core of Plas Newydd the wings were removed.  It is a crying shame but probably the right decision.  The salvaged antique wood and furniture were sold at that time.

Plas Newydd Today

The house is run today by Denbighshire County Council as a visitor attraction, and they do an absolutely splendid job.  The house and its contents are absolutely sparkling.

Although the 1832 auction removed all of the free-standing furnishings and individual objects owned by the ladies, a few are now on display at the house.  These include a pair of embroidered shoes thought to have been worn by Lady Eleanor and embroidered by Sarah, who was an indefatigable embroiderer whilst Eleanor read to her from their extensive library.  Replacement items have also been sourced to emulate the earlier contents, including furniture and objects that would have filled the house.  One or two of these were mentioned in the journal, including an aeolian (wind) harp.  These help to give a sense of how the house would have looked in the late 18th and 19th centuries.

Woodland walk leading from the rear of Plas Newydd through light woodland and leading to Lady Eleanor’s bower and then down to the stream

The gardens are worth a walk around but would probably not be recognizable to either the ladies or General Yorke. I suspect that General Yorke’s extension, which was quite a substantial affair, sat squarely over part of the gardens as they had been when the ladies had the property.  There is so little known about Amelia and Charlotte that it is not known whether or not they maintained the gardens.  The original yew garden at the front of the property dated to the occupancy of Mr Robertson and his brother (1890-1910), and there are some attractive woodland walks, but the earlier gardens with their considerable investment in flower beds and shrubberies, where the ladies used to sit and read, are now lost.   Following Mr Robertson, there was at least one period when they house was not used as a permanent residence, and as anyone who has owned a garden will know, given half a chance nature will revert any formal garden to a far more chaotic state.  Fruit trees and ornamental shrubs, too, have finite lives which, although they can run into many decades, will not last eternally and will eventually need to be replaced with new stock.  Whilst notes were made in the journal of some of the plantings and comments about them survive in visitor letters, nothing remains to suggest how these gardens were arranged and what they looked like.

 

 

At first glance I thought that this was the library at Plas newydd, but it is clearly not. This does not match any of the rooms in the current cottage, so must have come from one of the two later wings, probably from the time of General Yorke when the house was run as a museum. Source: RCAHMW

 

Final Comments

Plas Newydd does a very good job of speaking for itself.  It is quite amazing that it remains in such good condition after the deaths of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby, subsequently preserved by Miss Lolly and Miss Andrew, elaborated and extended by General Yorke, and further extended by Mr Robertson.  It is a real shame that the two wings, added by General Yorke and Mr Robertson respectively, had to be destroyed, as they were an integral part of the story of Plas Newydd, but it is a mercy that the original cottage remains.

The aesthetic ideals adopted by the two ladies and preserved by subsequent owners, first emulating the Gothic and then the late Tudor and Stuart periods, using salvaged carved wood and stained glass and other decorative arts, is not to everyone’s taste.  In her book The Ladies of Llangollen, the main biographer of the ladies, Elizabeth Mavor, commented on the “regrettably” added oriel and canopied windows, described their porch as “a rich and appalling riot of carving” and referred to General Yorke’s contributions as “mistaken alterations,” but whether it appeals or appals, it is still a remarkable vision, quite unique, and it is a fabulous place to visit.  I love it.

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Visiting

My thanks to Helen Anderson for driving us on our first visit, which always gives me the chance to sit and enjoy the scenery, a real treat.

Plas Newydd sits just above Langollen, just off the A5, and is very easy to find.  I tapped the postcode (LL20 8AW) into the Google Maps SatNav and it took us straight there.  Although very near the town centre, a short way up a hill, there is no sense of being so near to the town and its surrounding residential areas.  Beyond and above the house, and looking sensational, are the ruins of Dinas Bran castle.  In front of it is a formal rose garden within yew hedges, and beyond there are cleverly shaped topiary trees, with an early 19th century Gorsedd stone circle beyond, created for the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod.  It is a very attractive location.

Parking seems to be confined to the approach lane and around the circular drive itself.  We were there quite early on an overcast weekday morning in July and were able to park, but it might be more of a challenge at a busier and sunnier time as there does not seem to be an overflow car park.

Tickets are available in the nearby café and shop.  You go to the counter where food is paid for to buy your ticket for the house (the grounds are free of charge to visit).   See the website for seasonal opening times and pricing information but do note that the house closes completely off-season (in 2025, for example, it opened on April 1st).  There is a lovely café, also seasonal, where the ticket offices is located, which was serving some splendid looking meals, both indoors and out.  If you do a web search for Plas Newydd do make sure that you are looking at the site in Llangollen and not the National Trust house of the same name on Anglesey.

A pair of embroidered shoes reputedly worn by Lady Eleanor Butler. Source: People’s Collection Wales

The ticket price includes an audio device, if you would like one, which you touch to a receiver in each room to hear details as you go around.  It is not absolutely necessary if this is not your cup of tea as there are other information sources, but there is some very useful information in the recordings that I had not found elsewhere.  There is an exhibition room on the first floor, far right, if you want to see some very useful background information before you start, which acts as a miniature visitor centre, containing objects belonging to the ladies.  There are also plenty of laminated information sheets to pick up and read in each room as you walk round, in English and Welsh, and lots of ring-binders to open with plenty more details about the house and its owners, including excerpts from Lady Eleanor’s journal and pages from the auctioneers sale of their books after they died.

Plas Newydd dining room table, set up with loose-leaf folders and laminated pages in English and Welsh for visitors to read. Take a look at the long, long listing of the books that were auctioned after Miss Ponsonby’s death.

On a nice day there are many walks on public footpaths that start from Plas Newydd, some of which retrace the steps of the two ladies, who were enthusiastic and energetic walkers.

View of “the dell” showing the stream that runs along the valley next to Plas Newydd in around 1835.  Eleanor and Sarah had passed away in 1829 and 1831 respectively, but one of their ornamental bridges, now replaced with a stone one, was still in service. Source: People’s Collection Wales

My personal sketch of the grounds, scribbled for my own benefit before my April visit, is based on the one printed in the guide book published in 1988.  I’ve used it to find my way around, and the paths, coloured in orange are still where marked.  Of course feel free to use it, but it has nothing to do with anything faintly resembling scale!  It took me about 30 minutes to do the full circuit, but I was stopping to take photos.  It is pure laziness that I didn’t do something a little more dignified in software, or even sketch it out more neatly.  Plas Newydd is the big purple rectangle at top left and the yellow blobs next to it represent the yew trees of the formal garden established during Mr Robertson’s tenure.  The green blobs are trees, and I think that the rest is pretty much self explanatory.  The house is on a hill, so there is a slope from the level of the house down to the stream.  If you don’t fancy the walk you can still stand in Lady Eleanor’s reconstructed bower and look down on the stream and the flanking woodlands.  Don’t miss the stone font said to be from Valle Crucis Abbey, marked at bottom right.  The garden and woodland walks are lovely, because of the wild flowers, which in early spring include swathes of purple crocus on the grass in front of the house, and later on, blankets of primroses, snake’s head fritillaries and fresh white blossom.  In the dell, beside the bubbling stream and its little water falls, are endless carpets of white-flowered wild garlic and bluebells.


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For people with unwilling legs, be warned that to get the full value of the house there are quite a few stairs to negotiate, and there are no elevators or other methods of ascending to the upper storeys.  The flight of stairs leading to Mary Carryl’s room in the attic is particularly steep and narrow, although the stained glass is worth the trip.  Failing the stairs, the ground floor alone has plenty to see, including many of the best features.  The gardens are easily accessible via well maintained gravel paths, but the woodland and stream-side walks require a bit more careful footwork via sloping gravel paths.  With care, these are very accessible.

Valle Crucis Cistecian Abbey, founded 1201, a beautiful and peaceful site run by Cadw. Check opening times as it is only open on certain days during the season.

This could easily be turned into a day trip.  Just a little further afield, and which I have blogged about before, are the Valle Crucis abbey ruins, which is a spectacularly lovely medieval site, with a cache of nicely decorated medieval grave slabs held in the former dormitory.  It preserves a lovely chapter house, the interesting abbot’s quarters, a stunning corbelled vestry and many other very attractive features.  Also nearby is Thomas Telford’s beautiful Horseshoe Falls, which can be incorporated into a walk along the Llangollen canal.  Castell Dinas Bran is accessible both from the town (quite a strenuous walk) and from the panorama road (much less of an effort, with fabulous views from the road, but very narrow with passing places and no official parking).  Dinas Bran is on my to-do list for this summer.  All of these sites were known by the inhabitants of Plas Newydd.

Pontcysyllte aqueduct, over which the ladies travelled in a narrowboat on its opening day

Slightly further away, but on the route between Llangollen and Chester / Wrexham is the Pontcysyllte Aqueduct, the opening event of which the ladies, as local notables, attended on the second of the boats in the official ceremony, sailing over the aqueduct.   The towpath, shown left, is usually quite busy on a nice day, but is shown here completely (and somewhat eerily) free of visitors.  The views over the rail are exceptional.

In Llangollen itself, options include a steam train trip, a canal boat cruise, a short stroll along the river promenade, and the tiny but well-stocked town museum (but check opening times), and there are plenty of places to stop for lunch.  In the summer I recommend that if you want to eat at somewhere particular in Llangollen you book a table in advance or you may find yourself stuck.
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Sources

A note on sources of information

Most of what is known about Eleanor and Sarah comes from their own diaries and accounts, as well as letters they wrote and letters written by others in which they were mentioned.  In her book The Ladies of Llangollen, Elizabeth Mavor provides details of all of the available resources that she was able to consult for that book, and although that book was published in 1971 most of the privately held collections of letters that she was able to consult have yet to be digitized and made available online; Others that are retained in libraries like the Bodleian, the John Rylands and the National Library of Wales have likewise not yet been made available online.  Combined, the correspondence covers some of the years between  1790 and 1831. Although Eleanor’s journals have become the main source of information about their lives, many months and years are missing.  Samples of the diaries are contained in files that can be browsed within Plas Newydd itself, and a selection of entries have been published in Elizabeth Mavor’s 1984 hardback A Year with the Ladies of Llangollen (published in paperback under the title Life with the Ladies of Llangollen, although it is exactly the same book).  Of Sarah’s journals nothing remains except her account of their tour of Wales and the Borders when they first left Ireland.  There seems to be very little information about General Yorke, which is a real shame, and nor is there much about the Robertson brothers.

Online, the best resource for primary sources on the subject of Plas Newydd and its various owners and occupants is on the Early Tourists in Wales website, a superb resource that has collated much of the available information.  The People’s Collection in Wales has some fascinating images of the cottage and its contents in the form of paintings, photographs and postcards, (see Sources at the end for full details and page links).  The Curious Travellers website also has some very useful information to impart, including excerpts from Sarah Ponsonby’s pre-Plas Newydd travels around Wales and Shropshire.  The Ladies of Llangollen blog has some if not all of the letters between the ladies and Hester Piozzi (formerly Thrale) and a comprehensive set of those between the ladies and Anna Seward, all available from its Correspondence and Correspondents page.

 

Books, booklets and Papers

Harris, John. 2007. Moving Rooms. The Trade in Architectural Salvages. Yale University Press

Hubbard, Edward and Pevsner, Nicholas 1986. The Buildings of Wales. Clwyd (Denbighshire and Flintshire).  Penguin Books

Mavor, Elizabeth 1971, 2011 (2nd edition). The Ladies of Llangollen. A Study in Romantic Friendship. Moonrise Press.  Does not always cite her sources for specific quotations and references.

Mavor, Elizabeth 1984.  Life with the Ladies of Llangollen. Viking (hardback).  N.B. This was published, word for word and page for page, image for image, in Penguin in 1986 in paperback as A Year with the Ladies of Llangollen.  Do not make my mistake of buying the same book twice just because the titles are different! 
The format is rather strange, in that the information is listed first by month and then by year, so that all the journal entries for January in every given year are listed in the first chapter, and then all for February and so on.  I would have found it more informative if it had listed by year, from earliest to latest.  I suppose it gives a sense of how each month in all years may have passed, but it gives no sense of the cumulative passing of time over the lives of the ladies and how their lives changed over their time at Plas Newydd.

Veysey, A. Geoffrey and Freeman, David 1980.  Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen. Glyndwr District Council.  (16-page visitor guide based on the booklet by Veysey, County Archivist for Clwyd County Council, published in 1988.  Two sections were substantially updated by Freeman – the Oak Room and the Ladies’ Bedchamber).

Websites

British Listed Buildings
Plas Newydd. A Grade II* Listed Building in Llangollen, Denbighshire
https://britishlistedbuildings.co.uk/300001127-plas-newydd-llangollen

Bygone Liverpool
Liverpool’s Slave Gate
https://bygoneliverpool.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/liverpools-slave-gate-copyright-bygone-liverpool-1st-january-2023-2.pdf

Cadw
The Ladies of Llangollen
https://cadw.gov.wales/ladies-llangollen

Coflein
PGW (C) 48
coflein.gov.uk/media/16/343/cpg069.pdf
Plas Newydd, Llangollen. Site Record
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/27760/
Plas Newydd, Upper Garden
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/266455/

Curious Travellers
Anne Lister’s diary, tour of North Wales 11-27 July 1822
https://editions.curioustravellers.ac.uk/doc/0023?ref=pe0954#footnoteref53
Eleanor Butler and Sarah Ponsonby, Account of a Journey in Wales; Perform’d in May 1778 By Two Fugitive Ladies. Edited with an introduction by Elizabeth Edwards in Curious Travellers
https://editions.curioustravellers.ac.uk/pages/show.html?document=0004.xml

Denbighshire County Council
Plas Newydd, Llangollen
https://www.denbighshire.gov.uk/en/leisure-and-tourism/museums-and-historic-houses/plas-newydd-llangollen.aspx

Early Tourists in Wales (N.B. an invaluable resource for Plas Newydd, of which the links below are just a small sample click on the first link to see all the available pages)
By Michael David Freeman
Home page for Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/
Descriptions of Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/descriptions-of-plas-newydd-and-the-ladies-of-llangollen/
Plas Newydd Kitchen Garden
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/the-grounds/kitchen-garden/
Ladies of Llangollen Portraits
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/descriptions-of-eleanor-butler-and-sarah-ponsonby/ladies-of-llangollen-portraits/
Plas Newydd Carved Wood
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/plas-newydd-the-house/plas-newydd-carved-wood/
Ownership
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/ownership/

English Heritage
Lasting Impressions: The Ladies of Llangollen Portraits at Audley End (Members’ Area)
https://www.english-heritage.org.uk/visit/places/audley-end-house-and-gardens/history-and-stories/ladies-of-llangollen-portraits/?utm_source=The%20English%20Heritage%20Trust&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=14877625_Members%27%20newsletter%20-%2013th%20February%2025&utm_content=ladies%20of%20llangollen

The Gateacre Society
Gateacre’s Slave Gate: Was the Story True?
https://gateacresociety.co.uk/?page_id=568

Geocaching.com
The Eisteddfod Stones
https://www.geocaching.com/geocache/GC6P1CZ

Geograph.org.uk
Water Tower, Plas Newydd, Langollen
https://www.geograph.org.uk/photo/3583171

The Guardian
Celebrated Virgins. By Gareth Llŷr Evans, Thursday 26th May 2022
https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2022/may/26/celebrated-virgins-review-ladies-of-llangollen
The week in theatre: The Father and the Assassin; Celebrated Virgins; Legally Blonde. By Susannah Clapp, Sunday 19th May 2022
https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2022/may/29/the-father-and-the-assassin-national-theatre-olivier-review-celebrated-virgins-theatre-clwyd-mold-legally-blonde-regents-park-open-air
‘Darling of my heart’: the irresistible love story of the Ladies of Llangollen. By Emma Beddington, Tuesday 31st January 2023
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jan/31/sarah-ponsonby-eleanor-butler-love-story-ladies-of-llangollen-wales

History Points
Trevor Church
https://historypoints.org/index.php?page=trevor-church

House and Heritage
Plas Newydd, 16th March 2018
https://houseandheritage.org/2018/03/16/plas-newydd/

Kilkenny Castle
http://www.kilkennycastle.ie
Explore the Castle
https://www.kilkennycastle.ie/about/explore-the-castle-new/
Audio Guide
https://www.kilkennycastle.ie/audio-guide/
Visitor’s Guide leaflet
https://www.kilkennycastle.ie/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Visitors-Leaflet-English_compressed.pdf

Ladies of Llangollen blog
By Kelly M. McDonald
https://ladiesofllangollen.wordpress.com/

The National Archives
The Ladies of Llangollen. By Hanna Griffiths.  Tuesday 8th February 2022
https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/the-ladies-of-llangollen/

The National Library of Wales
Plasnewydd Library Catalogue 1792
https://viewer.library.wales/6043853#?xywh=-2355%2C-1%2C8159%2C4390&cv=

The Open University – UK Reading Experience Database
Lady Eleanor Butler
https://www.open.ac.uk/Arts/reading/UK/browse_reader_readings.php?s=Butler&f=Lady+Eleanor

Peoples Collection Wales
Plas Newydd, Llangollen
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/items/37618#?xywh=0%2C-74%2C1476%2C1186
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/discover/query/plas%20newydd%20llangollen
Nicely detailed photograph of Plas Newydd exterior
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/items/41074#?xywh=97%2C317%2C982%2C789

Winckley Square Gardens
Ladies of Llangollen
https://www.winckleysquarepreston.org/heritage/ladies-of-llangollen/

 

 

 

April’s ‘Chester Archaeological Society’ visit to St Collen’s Church in Llangollen

The Chester Archaeological Society 2024 season of excursions started excellently today with the CAS visit to the Church of St Collen, who gave his name to Llangollen. It is the only church in Wales to have taken the saint’s name. Like most Medieval churches in Wales, St Collen’s has undergone considerable alterations, including an 18thcentury tower and a 19th century chancel, vestry and south nave, but there are some very fine 13th century features to be seen, in the Perpendicular Gothic style, including an impressive shrine canopy and mason’s marks. There are also intriguing signs that a Lady Chapel was once incorporated into north aisle. The most remarkable feature of the church is a really superb hammerbeam roof bedecked with ornamental sculptures, both religious and secular, from the early 16th century.

Today, to ensure the survival of the church as a living and breathing community asset, it is undergoing extensive but very sympathetic re-forming.  Suzanne Evans is the Project Manager of this massive task, and was our superb guide today. Suzanne described how the reinvented church will be fully inclusive, not only of the existing congregation who are much-attached to the church, but of the wider community as well, taking into account the needs of those currently unable to make the most of what St Collen’s has to offer. At the same time, the exciting opportunity will be taken to investigate as much of the church’s architectural and funerary history as possible, adding to the community’s understanding of this important contributor to the town’s impressive ecclesiastical heritage.

Suzanne guided us around both the key features and recent discoveries, explaining all the steps to be taken in the upcoming weeks and years. As well as replacement glass doors and the opening up of the nave to enable the interior to be visible by passers-by, there will be new lighting, heating, kitchen and toilet facilities, as well as a large stage, which will all contribute to enhancing the value of the space and improving the visibility of the superb architecture. All archaeological and architectural discoveries will be professionally recorded and published.

After a very welcome cup of tea, there was a round of applause as we thanked both Suzanne for being our terrific guide and Pauline for making all the arrangements. It was great to meet some of the other CAS members, and to hear all the questions and observations. There was a lot of information sharing, which is exactly what one expects of CAS members. What a great start to the year’s excursions! Many thanks again Suzanne and Pauline.

The 13th century exterior

 

A walk from Telford’s Horseshoe Falls to the outskirts of Llangollen

Photograph taken from the top of the path leading from the car park, looking down at the Horseshoe Falls

The Horseshoe Falls are just outside Llangollen, a remarkable and lovely feature developed by Thomas Telford as part of his solution for supplying the Llangollen canal with water.  As the name suggests, it is a semi-circle of falling water, actually a man-made weir, which combines human symmetry with the natural beauty of water.  It looked spectacular in the sun, more art than engineering.

I usually make my comments about accessibility for people with uncooperative legs at the end, but in case the above photo makes you think I have lost my mind to categorize it as suitable , this is because there are other ways to approach the falls than from the top of the hill, approaches that are completely on the flat along the canal towpath.  Bear with me; clarity will emerge 🙂

Map of the Horse Falls area. Source: Pontcysyllte Aqueduct website

I had not set out to do this walk yesterday (Friday), and was actually on my way back from Valle Crucis (open once again to the public, but closed Tuesday and Wednesday each week), and was not ready to go home, so decided to drive down the road to the car park for the Falls, which is clearly signposted, and do a short walk to find out what it was like with a view to returning for a longer walk on another day.  The car park is pay-and-display but it is only a pound for the entire day, payable by cash or by swiping your debit card.  There are also public toilets.  I imagine that it gets quite busy at the weekends.

It is a short walk from there up a very slight slope along a metalled path to the top of the hill, from which the valley unfolds below.  There is an information sign here too.

I covered the basics of the building of the canal on earlier my post about the fabulous Pontcysyllte aqueduct, which you can find here, so won’t repeat that on this post, but the Horseshoe Falls deserve an explanation in its own right.  To secure water from the Dee, which ultimately comes from Lake Tegid at Bala, Telford gained permission from the owner of the lake to take off water  from the Dee for the new canal. The water had to be diverted from the Dee into the Llangollen canal by means of a feeder channel, some 1.8 miles long.  The distinctively shaped weir helps create a pool of water that can be pumped into the feeder channel. 

This link between the river and the canal required the installation of a pumping station by the side of the pool below the weir.  It was replaced by a new  Meter House or “valve house” in 1947, which still stands.  A massive pipe, 20ft long and 3ft in diameter runs 8ft below the ground to supply the Dee water to the Llangollen canal feeder.  This flow is released and slowed by means of guillotine valves which are controlled from the valve house.  By using the water of the Dee as it fell from Snowndonia via Lake Tegid, over 11 million gallons of Dee water a day, is fed into the Llangollen canal, eventually emptying into Hurleston reservoir, just north of Nantwich, where the Llangollen Canal meets the Shropshire Union Canal and contributing to the greater canal network. It was completed in 1808.

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It is a short and not particularly steep walk down to the falls from the car park, and the hillside is, at the moment a sheer delight, with the slopes covered in giant buttercups, purple thistles and daisies, with a few blue speedwells dotted in amongst them.  Once down at the falls, you are at the source of the Llangollen canal, a remarkable thought.   The valve house for the canal is at your left, and the footpath runs both left (east) and right (west).

I cannot yet comment on the footpath heading west, but if you head left, towards Llangollen, you find yourself immediately on a wide, level path, the towpath, which runs deliciously between the canal on your left and the Dee on the right.  The canal is very narrow at this stage, just a feeder, and not navigable.  The Dee too changes character, from a wide, deep run of uninterrupted river to fast, impressive rapids channelling itself through large slabs of natural rock.  Although the towpath runs above the level of the Dee, there are paths down to the river, and people were sunbathing on the huge slabs and paddling in the water.

The sound of the river coursing over the rocks is glorious, and a fabulous contrast to the peaceful, mirror-surfaced channel of canal that runs along the base of a solid wall of local rock, infiltrated by all sorts of rock-loving plant species and overhung by trees.  The canal widens as it goes, but remains un-navigable because, even where the canal is sufficiently wide and deep, there is no winding point (an indent where narrow-boats can turn around.  Long, sinuous weeds signal the direction of flow in the apparently motionless water, and fish, swimming against the current, hold a stationary position.  With the sun on it, when not mirroring the vegetation and sky above, it appears gold and velvet brown.  There are bridges all the way along, some modern and metal, but there are also traditional stone canal bridges, clearly numbered, with ramps for horses.  There is also an impressively substantial bridge spanning both the canal and the river.

One bridge is a delightful exception, and very unexpected.  The Chain Bridge Hotel contains within its Dee frontage, access to a small but perfect suspension bridge that provides access from the tow path to the railway station on the other side of the river, and some height above.   There is a small car park at the hotel, which can be used by the public.  I didn’t stop for a for a drink or a bite to eat, but the views from the terrace, over the bridge and the Dee rapids, are excellent.  This would probably be a good place to start and end your walk (particularly if the food is any good) if your legs like things simple, because the whole walk is on the flat.

I didn’t go much further because it was already getting rather late and I had other things to do.  I suppose I must have walked for about half an hour, with breaks to take photos, and then turned and walked back. Another way of tackling the walk would be to start in Llangollen and walk out towards the Horseshoe Falls.  This would be a much longer walk, and one for another day,  and again on the flat all the way along the towpath.  I am looking forward to it.

I went some way past the Motor Museum, which was to the right and below the level of the towpath.  The walk was particularly good on a day like yesterday, with hot sun and a light breeze.  At this time of year, with leaves on the trees, the towpath is in dappled shade, perfectly warm but not too hot.

Here are the rest of the photos:
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Valle Crucis Abbey #5 – The monastic community

This follows on directly from Part 4, which looked at what is known about the patrons, abbots and priors at the Cistercian Valle Crucis Abbey near Llangollen.  Parts 4, 5 and 6 were originally written as a single piece, but grew to excessive proportions and had to be split into three (the third part, looking at how life was lived on a daily basis, will be Part 6).  At the same time, this post looks a little different from its predecessors.  When I was writing this Valle Crucis remained closed.  As I have been unable to take any new photographs to accompany this post,  I have mainly used artists’ reconstructions, showing visual interpretations of various monastic sites, all similar to Valle Crucis in terms of basic operations.

Introduction

Modern view of Valle Crucis by J.Banbury. Source: Medieval Heritage website

Because patrons and abbots were important people, not merely locally but sometimes with wide-ranging national and international duties, historical records often mention them.  For Valle Crucis details can be pieced together to create a narrative, admittedly fragmentary, about those individuals and their roles both within the abbey and beyond its walls.  This was attempted in part 4.  For the wider monastic community, however, matters are rather more difficult to piece together.  It is probably a measure of the success of a monastery that a community was sufficiently stable not to draw attention to itself.  When nothing happened, there was nothing to report.  When trouble occurred, records might be preserved.  For example, under Abbot Robert of Lancaster there were clearly ructions within the Valle Crucis community, because a papal letter to the abbey stressed that the monks must obey the abbot.  It can also be inferred that under the disastrous Abbot Robert Salusbury there was profound discontent, as over half of the remaining community abandoned Valle Crucis in favour of other monasteries.  A good illustration of a Cistercian community that came to light rather too often for the Order’s comfort was Hailes Abbey near Cheltenham, where many misdemeanours were recorded.

In spite of the limitations of surviving records from Valle Crucis, the rules governing life in Cistercian abbeys, which were enforced throughout the Cistercian network, indicate how life should have been lived. During an annual meeting at Cîteaux (the General Chapter), which most of the Cistercian abbots attended, some existing rules were reinforced, others were changed as the world in which the Cistercian Order existed changed, and the outcomes were recorded.  These documents, combined with the telling architectural changes to the abbey itself, help to capture some of the details about how life would have been lived at Valle Crucis by the greater part of the community.

Valle Crucis in 1800. Source: Wikipedia

Although the founder, patrons, and the abbot and prior were ultimately the drivers of financial security and good management, it was the role of the monastic community as a whole that enabled monastic orders to flourish and proliferate.  The spread of monastic houses throughout Britain provided an ecclesiastical footprint that was itself a measure of the importance of prayer to the secular community.  The prayers of monks were the key to secular salvation.  In a sin-obsessed world, one way of mitigating the unenviable outcomes of personal sin in the afterlife was to invest in prayer.   Richard Southern sums up the situation beautifully:

Founders and benefactors saw in the ‘cowled champions’ of the monasteries the spiritual equivalent of secular soldiers.  The monks fought battles quite as real, and more important, than the battles of the natural world; they fought to cleanse the land from supernatural enemies.  To say that they prayed for the well-being of the king and kingdom is to put the matter altogether too feebly.  They fought as a disciplined elite, and the safety of the kingdom depended on their efforts. (R.W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, 1970)

This provides the essence of monastic value to the living.  Even though the Valle Crucis monks were isolated within their cloisters, and only certain of its community interacted with the outside world for practical reasons, their prayers were an essential part of the profit and loss equations of spiritual life.  Cistercian houses, once founded, might benefit from donations, gifts and sources of regular income from those who wished to purchase a better quality life after death, but essentially they were committed to maintaining themselves by economic endeavour, and this meant that the monastery was part of an economic network of production, markets and re-investment of revenue that defined much of life in the Middle ages.

Choir monks

Cloister and lavatorium of Tintern Abbey in south Wales. Reconstruction by Terry Ball. Source: Medieval History website

The main body of the monastic establishment was made up of choir monks, who were supervised by the abbot and the prior.  St Benedict’s Rule required an initial twelve monks for the founding of a new abbey, equating to the number of Christ’s apostles, and these monks and the abbot were provided from Strata Marcella. All the monks in Valle Crucis appear to have been of Welsh origin at this time, and probably were for most of its duration.

The main body of the monastic establishment was made up of choir monks, who were supervised by the abbot and the prior.  St Benedict’s Rule required an initial twelve monks for the founding of a new abbey, equating to the number of Christ’s apostles, and these monks and the abbot were provided from Strata Marcella. All the monks in Valle Crucis appear to have been of Welsh origin at this time, and probably were for most of its duration.

Cymer Abbey. Source: Cadw signage at Cymer

Politically and culturally, if not linguistically, it would have been difficult to incorporate English monks into a Welsh community.  In so far as language was concerned, Latin, required for membership of the Cistercian Order, could have been used as a lingua franca, but politically and culturally matters might have been rather more difficult.  Before the conquest of Edward I, the Welsh monasteries had a strong sense of Welsh identity and at different times Valle Crucis contributed to contemporary Welsh histories and hosted Welsh poets. Politically, even though the Cistercians as an Order had provided Edward I with financial support, and even though Welsh monastic patrons changed sides from time to time, at least in the 13th century the Welsh Cistercian monasteries of mid and North Wales were solidly behind Llywelyn ap Gruffudd  of Gwynedd (c.1223 – 1282).  In a letter to the pope in 1275, the Cistercian abbeys Aberconwy, Whitland, Strata Florida, Cwmhir, Strata Marcella, Cymer and Valle Crucis all supported Llywelyn against charges made by the Bishop of St Asaph.  This emphasis on Welsh personnel may, from time to time, have resulted in recruitment difficulties, particularly after the succession of plagues that followed the arrival of the Black Death in the mid 14th Century.  Even following Edward I’s conquest of Wales, the close association of Valle Crucis with Welsh poets in the 14th and 15th centuries argues that a Welsh outlook was never fully diluted at Valle Crucis.

14th century psalter (book of psalms) of Sir Geoffrey Luttrel.  Sou8rce: British Library, Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts, MS Additional 42130, via Wikipedia

The Cistercians did not accept children as novices into their community, a practice that had once been common in the Benedictine order where children were accepted as “oblates” (offerings) by their parents at least until the practice was abolished by the 4th Lateran Council of 1215 of Pope Innocent III in Rome.  The term can be confusing today because it survives in the Benedictine order, but now refers to laity who, outside a monastic house, are affiliated to it and supportive of it.  St Benedictine himself had supported the practice of accepting child oblates, but the Cistercians believed that choice was an essential factor in the moral standing and ongoing stability of the Order.  New entrants had to be at least 15 years of age, with a year’s novitiate before making their vows at the age of 16.  After the Black Death of the 14th century, when many brethren had been lost and new recruits were harder to find, the minimum age was dropped to 14 years by the General Chapter of 1349, and the year’s novitiate could be shortened providing that the novice could recite the psalms by heart.

Although in theory the monks all had equal status, reflected in shared dormitories and communal refectories, and all were subject to the same rules and disciplinary action, there were inevitably complex layers of experience and interaction within the abbey walls, based on  age, seniority, skills, experiences, roles and personality.  Although some of a monastery’s monks may have entered as novices, others much later in life either in response to a calling, or as a form of retirement.  Senior monks might act as guides to novices and younger brethren, whilst patrolling the cloister to maintain silence, and minimize social contact.

Manual work beyond the cloister might include working with crops in the fields, or with livestock, employment in crafts, gardening, and general DIY, essential to the maintenance of abbey and abbey precinct buildings and fittings.  This work took place once or twice a day depending on the time of year, and was envisaged by St Benedict not merely as a good discipline, but an aspect of daily living that would prevent boredom.  During the harvest it was all hands on deck, and many of the monks were excused at least some of the offices in order to participate.

Cistercian monks gathered daily in the chapter house, as an artist’s reconstruction shows here at Shap Abbey. Source: English Heritage

Life within the cloister was by no means a uniform, undifferentiated existence, and it was by no means unknown for disagreements and conflicts, which the senior monks, the prior and the abbot were required to resolve.  Daily meetings in the chapter house were part of the system of maintaining harmony and discipline within the monastery, at which time disciplinary issues were discussed and punishments for any infringements were handed out.

There are very few details about the monks at Valle Crucis.  What few references to them suggest that at various times, if not always, the community of monks was Welsh.  During the tenure of Abbot Robert Lancaster in the early 15th century papal correspondence to the monastery reminded the monks of their vows of obedience to the abbot, implying that there were difficulties within the Valle Crucis community, perhaps because the abbot was dividing his attentions between the abbacy and the bishopric of St Asaph, which he held simultaneously.

Although Cistercians were only supposed to leave the monastery on important business, and only abbots ever travelled very far afield, very few monks ventured far afield.  They were not permitted to go on pilgrimage or seek cures at holy shrines, but there is one record of a monk from Valle Crucis called Richard Bromley arriving in Rome in 1504, towards the end of the abbey’s life, as a pilgrim.

Obedientiaries

Although no two abbeys were exactly alike, and a lot depended upon the financial resources available to the community, as well as the individual talents of the abbot and the brethren, there is a commonality of community organization between them, including the allocation of roles, obediences, to individual monks, called obedientiaries.  This was a Benedictine tradition, not unique to the Cistercians, but which was formalized within the Cistercian’s own rules.

Benedictine monks in the cellar at Dunfermline. Source: Historic Environment Scotland

Obedientiaries were monks within the abbey who were allocated particular roles in order to assist with the smooth running of the community.  Although some tasks were rotated amongst the brethren, it made sense for the abbot to ensure that some continuity was adhered to for important tasks, particularly in positions where contact with the outside world might be required, and particularly high standards of self-discipline might be depended upon.  The use of obedientiaries was not a Cistercian invention, and although there were differences from order to order, many of the same functions inevitably overlapped, and they changed over time as the demands of individual abbeys changed.  Some of the key positions are as follows:

  • Cellarer  A key official who was responsible for the community’s centralized stores, both food and drink.  Of all the obedientiaries, this individual is likely to have had regular contact with the lay brethren and, when they were no longer employed, the outside world.  the cellarer was also responsible for interacting with the abbey granges, the farms that supplied the monastery with its food for consumption and its surplus.  It is notable that in 1212, when the Cisterican Order asked for senior staff to be exempt from outside obligations to the Pope Innocent III’s crusades and missionary activities, the cellarer was singled out amongst the senior staff, together with priors and sub-priors, that the Cistercians wished to retain
  • Precentor.  In charge of church services, the hymns, chants, prayers and antiphons (the latter song alternating between two parts of the choir). He might be supported by an assistant, the succentor
  • Sacrist, responsible for the church, its maintenance, as well as the care of the vessels and implements used in the liturgies and the vestments that were kept in the sacristy.  He was also responsible for time-keeping, using a bell or tabula (the latter a wooden board) to mark the offices and draw the monks to the abbey church.  As mechanical clocks were not invented until the late 13th century, and were even then very expensive, monastic time-keeping relied mainly on the sun, stars, and occasionally water clocks.
  • Guestmaster, responsible for welcoming and taking care of any guests, from dignitaries to pilgrims.  Hospitality was an important part of the Benedictine vision, and separate quarters were usually provided within the abbey precinct but beyond the cloister until the 14th century, when VIPs might be accommodated within special apartments within the east range of the cloister.
  • Infirmerer.  Where an infirmary was one of the monastic buildings, the infirmerer was in charge, overseeing the care of unwell and ailing monks.  Although they were standard components of Cistercian abbey complexes, there is some question about whether Valle Crucis included one or not.
  • Novicemaster.  The brother who oversaw the induction, ongoing care and overall wellbeing of the novices who entered the abbey, prior to taking their vows.
  • Refectorer. The brother in charge of the refectory, or dining hall, responsible for laying and clearing the tables, usually assisted by other brethren.
  • Kitchener. The brother who oversaw the kitchen, working closely with the refectorer and the cellarer to ensure that the monastery was fed according either to Cistercian guidelines or the abbot’s preferences.  Meals prepared for the abbot’s table, guests, the choir and lay brethren and for the infirm might be rather different for one another. There was also a safety element, as all meals were cooked over a fire, and it is thought distinctly possible that the mid 13th century fire at Valle Crucis originated in the monastic kitchen in the south range
  • Porter, who managed the gatehouse, responsible for permitting or barring entry to the monastic precinct.  The porter would also have been the first point of interaction with the monastic precinct for visitors, before they were handed over to the guest-master.  In the Benedictine Order there was also an almoner, who was responsible for allocating alms to the poor, but in Cistercian establishments, the porter doubled up as almoner. Quite how many visitors of this type would have been in the neighbourhood of Valle Crucis is yet to be determined.

Peter Dunn reconstruction of a kitchen in full swing at Rievaulx. Source: English Heritage

There is an assumption in the above that sufficient monks would have been required to complete all the daily tasks, and also that there were sufficient brethren available to fulfil these and other roles when required.  In the case of Valle Crucis, which may never have exceeded 12 choir monks,  life would have been less complex even when working together with the lay brethren; after the 14th century, when the lay brethren had vanished and the abbey leased out rather than working its lands, life was probably even less complicated.

Although the abbey was essentially silent whenever possible, the interaction required between these different roles would have sat outside that guideline, meaning that realistically, different levels of negotiation, conversation and silence would have been the daily norm, with strict silence only practised at certain times in specific places.

A chunk of the abbey’s budget was traditionally divided between each the obedientiaries to cover the costs of their activities, each given what was deemed to be an appropriate amount to manage their monastic duties.  It is not known  if all of these roles would have been fulfilled at Valle Crucis.  Although it is assumed that there was probably a gatehouse, nothing of it survives.  Similarly, if there was an infirmary at the abbey, no trace of it has been found.

Stairs built into the relocated pulpitum, perhaps once leading to an organ loft. Source: RCHAMW

The governing body of the Cistercians resisted musical instruments until 1486, when the General Chapter at Cîteaux decided that the organ was an acceptable adjunct to an abbey church.  It is thought that there was an organ loft late in the abbey’s history in the vicinity of the pulpitum, so an organist would evidently have been a member of the community, answerable to the precentor.

Even without a full-sized organ, beautiful musical accompaniment could be achieved by a portable “portative” organ, which is one of a number of instruments that could be used when an abbey could not afford an organ.  A portative organ can be seen in use by virtuosa Catalina Vicens in the YouTube video at the end of this post, producing the most unexpectedly rich, and enchanting sound, truly fabulous, slightly raw.  I’ve never heard anything quite like it.

Some monks were also given particular roles of responsibility within the monastery, known as obediences, each representing an aspect of monastic life, discussed below.

What is interesting is the degree to which the monastic organization formalizes functions, with both internal and external interactions formalized just as job descriptions are today.  Knowing what someone should be doing and how they should be doing it would have helped the abbot to monitor both the performance of the monastery as a whole and the effectiveness of the individual monks that contributed to its smooth running.   By ensuring that those with particular skillsets were put into suitable roles, the abbot could allocate his resources efficiently.  The founding monks were presumably chosen from the mother abbey with a view to fulfilling at least some of these roles from day one.  Young novice monks would have learned from their elders, and those who entered the community later in life might have brought other relevant experience and skills with them.  Balancing the books must have been a constant headache for the abbot, his prior and the cellarer.

Ordained priest-monks

Artist’s impression of one of the chapel pairs at Valle Crucis, based on the existing architecture, in the north and south transepts. By C. Jones-Jenkins

The two pairs of chapels in the Valle Crucis transepts were completed in the late 13th century, and were for the performance of mass by ordained priests.  The trend in abbey life for monks began to be ordained as priests met the specific need of conducting masses for the dead.  Although this was originally strictly forbidden by the early Cistercians, it became one of the important income streams of abbeys.  Donation of funds were made by those wishing to have masses said for themselves and their families in perpetuity.  Masses could only be conducted by those who had been trained and received the sacrament of Holy Orders, ordained by a bishop.  As masses were usually held daily, separate chapels became increasingly important within the abbey church to prevent interruption of other monastic activities, and were at first usually located in the transepts.  Valle Crucis only ever had four, but other monasteries might extend their abbey churches to add more.

Lay brothers (conversi)

Hailes Abbey showing the nave of the abbey church with conversi (lay brethren) divided from the more rarefied area occupied by choir monks.  By Peter Urmston. Source: English Heritage

The Cistercians were faced with a dilemma when the order was established.  Although the reforming order wanted to engage in both work and prayer (ora et labora) in good balance they also knew how much physical work was required to work the lands required to support a monastic house.   An early Cistercian document (Exordium Parvum XV, translated in Waddell’s Narrative and Legislative Texts, p. 435) expresses this dilemma very clearly:

Having spurned this world’s riches, behold! The new soldiers of Christ, poor with the poor Christ, began discussing by what planning, by what device, by what management they would be able to support themselves in this life, as well as their guests who came, both rich and poor, whom the Rule commands to welcome as Christ. It was then that they enacted a definition to receive, with their bishop’s permission, bearded lay-brothers, and to treat them as themselves in life and death – except that they might not become monks – and also hired hands; for without the assistance of these they did not understand how they could fully observe the precepts of the Rule day and night.

The lay brethren, conversi, were given a year, as novices, to make up their minds before they took the vows that bound them to the abbey and its estates.  The coversi were were not literate and were therefore not qualified to enter the abbey as fully fledged choir monks, but were an essential part of the Cistercian vision of economic self-sufficiency, and lived in a dormitory opposite that of the choir monks on the first floor of the west range.  They were not tonsured (the top of the head shaved), and were usually bearded.  They usually outnumbered the choir monks, particularly in abbeys with large land-holdings.  This model, based on the traditional manorial management of land, allowed the choir monks to remain within the monastic precinct, whilst the lay members of the community farmed and otherwise worked the monastic estates, and undertook general repairs of the monastery itself as well as related buildings and granges.  Of great importance, some of them were also the interface between the cloister and the outside world for matters concerning grange management, the replenishment of the monastery’s stores and the sale of any surplus at market.  Both choir and lay brethren were considered to be integral to Cistercian monasticism.

Artist’s impression of conversi in their refectory, showing lack of tonsure and beards. Source: Cistercians in Yorkshire

The conversi were apparently attracted by a number of features that were preferable to the alternative of working for a secular manor.  For one thing, they were members of a community that not only valued them, fed them and clothed them, but looked to their spiritual well-being.  For hard-working farming labourers who had little time to worry about such matters, this may have been a real draw.  In addition, in the face of poverty, the monastery provided security and stability.  Although their commitment to the abbey was directed towards sustaining it physically and economically rather than spiritually, the commitment of the lay brethren to the monastery’s lands was fundamental to the spiritual well-being of the monastery.

The use of conversi as farmers and herdsmen had gone into decline by the end of the 13th century.  There is some debate as to why this should have occurred.  The usual view is that the Black Death of 1349 largely wiped out the lay brethren, and this may well have been the case, but there is also an argument that lay brethren were becoming increasingly dissatisfied with their lot, and that some of the abbeys were already moving towards leasing out their lands  by the mid 14th century, meaning that it was possible that the role of the conversi was already being undermined before the arrival of the plague.

Corrodians 

Corrodians seem like something of an anomaly in terms of the general running of a Cistercian establishment.  In return for a financial contribution or property, including land, a man might  buy a corrody, a type of pension, and retire within the monastic community.  They were common within the Benedictine order, a convention adopted by the Cistercians.  In return for corrodies, the corrodian would receive specified amounts of food, drink and clothing. It was not a glamorous way to see out life, but it offered safety, stability, some degree of company, the care of the monks during illness, and, immediately to hand, the provision of the last rites.  Proximity to all that monastic activity was also, as death approached, a step closer to salvation, as was burial within the monastic precinct. 

An example from 1530 is one John Howe who, in return for £20.00 (in modern terms £8,825.54 /4 horses /16 cows, according to the National Archives Currency Convertor) was entitled to a bed chamber, candles, food and drink twice daily, and items of clothing which were laundered at the monastery.  Given the date, only six years before Henry VIII suppressed the monasteries in 1536, if John Howe was still alive at the time, he must have felt seriously aggrieved and may not have had the funds to find himself a new care home, unless he was able to persuade the authorities to compensate him.  Even then, it is unclear where he could have gone.

Final Comments on Parts 4 and 5

Monks in procession through Rievaulx Abbey in the 14th century (artist’s impression). Source: English Heritage

The religious life in an early Cistercian abbey was a combination of church services (liturgical offices and masses for the souls of the dead), scholarly activity and some manual labour.  Monks were generally not allowed to leave the monastic precinct, and unless they left to form a new monastery, might spend their entire lives in the company of their brethren.  It was important, therefore, that life in a Cistercian abbey was highly regulated, because rules and routines held the community together and allowed for transgressions and disputes to be resolved, usually by a mixture of encouragement, punishment and an awful lot of prayer.  In spite of attempts to maintain the standards of the Cistercian Order, there was a slow erosion of standards.

Although Valle Crucis was designed as a closed unit, like other Cistercian monasteries, there were limits to the extent to which this could be achieved.  Abbots and their seconds-in-command, priors, had rather more freedom because they were required to venture into the outside world on abbey business.  At least two abbots at Valle Crucis combined the job with the bishopric of St Asaph, a strange division between the cloistered life of the monastery and the more public life of the diocese.  This must have had an impact on the community as a whole, which must have been more dependent on the prior than was usual.  In so far as the rest of the community was concerned, individual monks might be thoroughly cloistered within the abbey, but others would have to interact with the outside world in order to maintain the abbey’s economic self-sufficiency. 

The combination of being withdrawn from the world, but simultaneously enmeshed in its political, economic and social complexities required dedicated interfaces between the monastery and the world beyond, not always a comfortable idea for monastic houses.  This apparent conflict between a mandate for seclusion and necessary connections with the world beyond the cloister was a defining feature of Cistercian abbeys.  Initially resolved by the incorporation of conversi into the monastic community, difficulties were presented when the conversi were no longer available.
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Next 

Part 6 will take a look at everyday activities at the monastery, to give an idea of how the monks lived their lives from day to day and year to year.

All parts of this Valle Crucis series of posts are available, as they are written by clicking on the following link: https://basedinchurton.co.uk/category/valley-crucis-abbey/.

Sources for all parts

The bibliography for all of the Valle Crucis posts are in Part 1.
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Valle Crucis Abbey #4 – Patrons, abbots and priors

Cadw sign at the site showing a cutaway of how the interior of the Valle Crucis abbey church may have appeared

Part 1 of this series about Valle Crucis Abbey near Llangollen introduced the background to 12th Century monasticism in Britain, via St Pachomius and St Benedict, and talked about the Cistercians, the spread of the Cistercian order in Wales and why Valle Crucis was located where it was.  Part 2 looked at how the buildings at Valle Crucis were used and how the monastic community functioned.  Part 3 looked the architectural development of the abbey, an architectural jigsaw of a story from foundation in 1201 to dissolution in 1536.

Part 4 and upcoming part 5 look at how the patrons, abbots, priors and monks of the Cistercian Order contributed to life at Valle Crucis.  In Part 4, the top levels of the abbatial hierarchy are introduced, and in Part 5 the main body of the monastic community is described, all helping to build a view of what sort of people were to be found at the abbey, and what life was like within the cloister.

It is the way of the literate world that more is known about those at the top of the hierarchy than those of the main body of the community, because it is the patrons and abbots whose names were on formal documentation, and who were accountable to the mother abbey at Strata Marcella, to the General Chapter at Cîteaux, to the pope, and ultimately to God. More mundanely, the abbots were also subject to the vagaries of political activity and war, and as leaders of the abbey were named as its representatives.  Even so, there are considerable gaps in the list of abbots at Valle Crucis, many of whom are simply unrecorded and others are known only by their names, and even then not always with certainty, and sometimes only partially.
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Normans, Cistercians and Welsh princes

The remains of Strata Florida in midwest Wales. Photograph by Jeremy Bolwell. Source: Wikimedia

Although Wales had its own monastic tradition both before and after the Norman invasion in 1066, by 1150 Norman lords had established houses attached to a number of monastic orders in Wales, connected with French orders.   The Normans also set about normalizing the priesthood, bringing it under the archdiocese of Canterbury, and a number of new dioceses were established, each under a new, Norman-sponsored bishop.  Welsh Cistercian monasteries were spawned by  the Anglo-Norman abbeys in Tintern and Whitland in the south.  Whilst Tintern remained embedded in the Norman-Marcher tradition, Whitland’s fortunes became bound up with the Welsh princes in the 12th century when the Lord Rhys ap Gruffudd restored the fortunes of Deheubarth by claiming it from the Anglo-Norman Robert fitz Stephen.  Lord Rhys assumed patronage of both Whitland (founded with monks from Clairvaux) and Strata Florida in mid-west Wales (founded with monks from Whitland), the latter initially founded by fitz Stephen.  The new Welsh monasteries spawned by Whitland spreading from south to north, were all founded with this sense of being true to the Cistercian order, the spirts of St Benedict, the Virgin Mary and Christ, but were, at the same time, Pura Wallia, pure Welsh.

The regulations and charters of the Cistercians formalized the original intentions of St. Robert of Molesme Benedictine Abbey, who founded the Cistercian order in 1098.  Robert was was conscious that the  labora component of the Benedictine motto “ora et labora” (prayer and work) had been largely abandoned.  In the Cluniac order in particular there was too much comfort, a lot of elaborate and time-consuming ora and very little labora.  Cistercian abbeys were intended to be self-sufficient, combining work, prayer and solitude, distant from the distractions of urban areas.  This was Robert’s vision for the New Abbey at Cîteaux.  Robert was recalled somewhat forcibly to Molesme to resume his role, but was succeeded as abbot at the New Monastery by Alberic (1099-1109), who built on Robert’s initial work and successfully obtained papal privilege for the new abbey and its community in 1100.  Alberic was in turn succeeded by Stephen Harding in 1109, an English monk and theologian who consolidated his predecessors’ work over the next 25 years.

The New Monastery at Citeaux as it is today. Source: European Charter of the Cistercian Abbeys and Sites

Abbot Stephen Harding is usually credited with much of the underlying structure that ensured the success of the Cistercian order.  He appears to have understood that new abbeys, each one its own world isolated from its predecessors and peers, meant that standards would be difficult to maintain.  One of his priorities was to standardize life throughout the Cistercian network of abbeys, to ensure conformity to both the Benedictine Rule and Cistercian values, and it is generally thought that he produced the official constitution for the Order, the Carta Caritatis (Charter of Care), ratified by the Pope in 1119.  Amongst other regulations were a number that dealt with governance and accountability.  The governance was to ensure that all abbeys had the resources to conform to the Cistercian vision.  The accountability was the means by which abbeys were monitored, disciplined and assisted.  

Aerial view of Valle Crucis. Source: Coflein

Records of life at Valle Crucis are sketchy.  To complicate matters, as the centuries passed and the Cistercian order relaxed some of the more severe of its dictums, daily life changed accordingly.  This means that there is no single Valle Crucis way of life because as ideological decay set in, so did the way in which lives were lived.  This phenomenon of gradual departure from early Cistercian values is by no means unique to Valle Crucis, and was remarkably consistent across the Cistercian abbeys and across the centuries.  Some of this is visible at Valle Crucis, and the records that do survive give some insights into a few of the peaks and troughs at Valle Crucis.  Between what is known about Valle Crucis and what is known about Cistercian abbeys in general, we can make a fair stab at getting to know some of the people and their roles.
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Patronage of the abbey

The founder and first patron of Valle Crucis

Cistercians might seek relatively remote locations, but they never made any decisions about founding new abbeys without the input of the Cistercian order, local senior clergy and influential secular local dignitaries.  The most important of these secular authorities was the patron who put up the money for the building of the core monastic buildings, including the church, and provided the abbey with lands to secure its income.  Welsh monasteries were not merely religious but had a political and territorial role.

Valle Crucis Abbey in its valley setting today. Source: Archwilio

Prince Madog ap Gruffudd Maelor of Powys Madog (north Powys, northeast Wales) was the last of the major landholders in Wales to invest in a Cistercian establishment, and was convinced by four of the nearest abbots that he should found a monastery in his territory, extending the reach of the Cistercians in Wales.  Investing in Valle Crucis was not a light-hearted undertaking.  As well as land on which to establish the monastic precinct (the monastery buildings, the abbey church, the gatehouse, storage facilities and possibly farm buildings), the abbey had to be allocated lands to ensure that it could at least achieve self-sufficiency and, ideally, to make a profit to fund future activities.  Although monks took a vow of poverty, some abbeys and priories became very wealthy in their own right.  In the case of Valle Crucis, endowment  first meant relocating the village that already occupied the land chosen for the abbey, and providing it with land and other properties, such as mills and fishing rights.  The lands subsequently allocated to the abbey, both highland and lowland, suitable for livestock grazing and agricultural development respectively, had previously fed into Madog’s own coffers.

Depiction of purgatory in the 15th Century Les Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry. Source: Wikimedia

In return, what did Madog acquire to compensate himself for the ill-will of villagers and farmers, the loss of a useful revenue stream?  The position, prestige and identify of the Welsh princes in the 12th Century was dependent not merely upon political power, but also on spiritual security, which could be secured by investment in monastic establishments and the prayers that would be dedicated to them by the monks.  Richard Southern’s epic narrative about the Middle Ages emphasises the importance of monasteries to patrons (p.225):

The battle for the safety of the land was closely associated with the battle for the safety of the souls of their benefactors.  It was this double objective that induced great men to alienate large portions of their property for monastic uses.  They and their followers and families . . . believed that their temporal and eternal welfare equally depended on the warfare of the monks.

At the same time, his personal prestige would grow along with the monastery.  He had achieved a new status, a validation of his authority and a connection into the wider European world of erudition, culture and divine integrity represented by the spread of the Cistercians and their influence.  With a Cistercian abbey in his heartland, no-one could accuse any ruler of presiding over an uncivilized land.  The spread of the Cistercians in Wales was often connected with reinforcing power, prestige and identity, whilst still maintaining a Welsh personality all wrapped up in a nicely Christian package.  A neat trick.

By investing in a monastic establishment, Madog also stayed on the good side of the Church.  More importantly, what he obtained for himself and his family was the most important direct commodity that the abbey had to offer – its prayers.  As the horrors of purgatory loomed ever closer, patrons hoped that the strength and integrity of monastic prayer would offer powerful intercession.  The prayers of monks who were so close to the divine might work wonders on behalf of the deceased and his family.  Although the Cistercians initially banned burial of secular people within monastic premises, no matter how important, this rule was not observed at many Cistercian monasteries, and certainly at Valle Crucis part of the arrangement seems to have included the burial of Madog and members of his family within the monastic precinct, yet another step nearer to God.

Patrons descended from Madog ap Gruffudd Maelor

When Madog ap Gruffudd Maelor, prince of Powys Fadog (north Powys) died in 1236, his son Gruffudd Maelor ap Madog (c.1220-1269/70), appears to have taken over most of the responsibilities of Madog’s role, although the domains were split between all five of Madog’s sons.  It was Gruffudd who in the year of his father’s death re-confirmed the founding charter, meaning that Valle Crucis retained the properties and assets that had been bestowed upon it by Madog.  He had two sons, Gruffydd Ial ap Madog and Madog ap Gruffydd Maelor.  The family had complicated allegiances, swapping sides between the Welsh and the English, but retained their lands until Edward I took Powys Fadog in 1277.  Gruffudd’s sons were both buried at Valle Crucis, and had presumably taken over the patronage as their father had done before them.

Patronage under English rule

Map showing Bromfield and Iâl (Yale). Source: Rogers 1992, p.444

Valle Crucis, located in a part of Powys known as Bromfield and Iâl, found itself in the middle of several political tugs of war and it is difficult to know what sort of patronage followed between the death of Gruffyd and the suppression of Valle Crucis in 1536.  The answer lies somewhere in the history of Bromfield and Iâl, which had become something of a diplomatic bargaining chip. It seems worth recounting some of that history in order to highlight how political complexities could impact both Valle Crucis and other monastic establishments in Wales.  

Following Edward I’s conquest of Wales Edward I’s reparations to Valle Crucis were generous, but these were intended for replacement of stock, repairs to property, and general compensation for the injury to the dignity of the monastery, but Edward did not replace the Powys princes as patron.  Madog ap Gruffyd, the great-grandson of founder Madog ap Gruffudd Maelor, was buried in the abbey in 1306, as was his cousin Gweirca, implying that they continued to support the abbey even after Edward I.  However, on the death of Madog ap Gruffyd everything changed.

Much of the following has been based on information from the 1992 doctoral thesis The Welsh Marcher Lordship of Bromfield and Yale 1282-1485 by Michael Rogers (any errors are, of course, my own).  Rogers quotes a charter of Edward I from 7th October 1282 at Rhuddlan:

Notification that the king, for the greater tranquillity and common benefit of him and his heirs and of all his realm of England, has granted by this charter to John de Warenne, earl of Surrey, the castle of Dinas Bran, which was in the king’s hands at the commencement of the present war in Wales, and all the lands of Bromfield, which Gruffudd and Llywelyn, sons of Madog Fychan, held at the beginning of the said war . . . saving to the king the castle and land of Hope . . . ; and the king also grants to the earl the land of Yale, which belonged to Gruffudd Fychan, son of Gruffudd de Bromfield, the king’s enemy; doing therefor the service of four knights’ fees for all service custom and demand . . .

Seal of John de Warenne, 6th Earl of Surrey. Source: Wikipedia

Two years later in 1284, John de Warenne granted Bromfield and Iâl to his son William, who died young in 1286.  The crown once again took possession whilst John tried to claim his rights to the lands, but in the following year Bromfield and Iâl were restored to John, in spite of possible claims of William’s baby son, also John, born in 1286.  When John de Warenne died on 27th September 1304, his grandson and heir, William’s son John was still a minor and became a ward of the king, with Bromfield and Iâl remaining in crown hands until 1306.

The history of Bromfield and Iâl was tied closely to the history of the village of Holt, which was also given to John Warren on Madog’s death, and which also passed to William.  John began the castle, which William subsequently continued to build.  Holt and its castle passed by marriage into the hands of the Earl of Arundel, who fell foul of Richard II and was executed.  After reverting to the crown and again being granted to the Earls of Arundel, Holt and its castle were granted by Richard III to Sir William Stanley, together with Chirk Castle the lordship of Bromfield and Iâl (now known as Yale) in 1484. It is this family that appear to have taken on the patronage of Valle Crucis.  Unfortunately Stanley was himself executed for treason in 1495.  Holt Castle next passed to William Brereton, who was apparently also a patron of Valle Crucis, before being executed in 1536 under Henry VIII for most foolishly tinkering with Ann Boleyn.  Bromfield and Iâl was then transferred to the crown under Henry VII and subsequently Henry VIII.

Sir William Stanley. Source: Wikipedia

In 1536 the Act of Union withdrew the special status of the Marcher lordships, and Bromfield and Iâl were incorporated into the new county of Denbighshire, together with Chirkland, Denbigh and Dyffryn Clwyd. 1536 was a momentous year for Bromfield and Iâl, and marked the dissolution of Valle Crucis.

After the death of Madog, with Bromfield and Iâl passing to John de Warenne, Valle Crucis had now of passed from the Welsh line to the English.  In spite of its location in the territory of Bromfield and Iâl, it is by no means clear whether Valle Crucis received any real material support from de Warenne or subsequent owners of the land.  On the other hand, it seems as though the descendants of the former Welsh ruler of Powys Madog still took an active interest in the abbey, and that local landowning patrons may have been involved with the abbey’s writing of Welsh history and its connection with Welsh poets, whom local gentry also supported.  The Trefor family, from whom two of the 15th century abbots as well as bishops of St Asaph were derived, is one example.

It was not until the arrival of Sir William Stanley in the picture that clear support for the abbey is once again demonstrated.  Whilst it is possible that the Stanley family may have continued to support the abbey on a private basis after Sir William’s death, it is more likely that reversion to the ownership of the crown changed the abbey’s circumstances yet again.  Eventually Bromfield and Iâl passed to Henry Fitzroy, duke of Richmond and Somerset, who became the patron of Valle Crucis and who was involved in untangling the problems that ensued, not long before the dissolution, under Abbot Robert Salusbury.

I suspect that there is a lot more to be said on the above, and hope to dig out some more details as I continue to look into Valle Crucis.

Abbots of Valle Crucis

One of the ways in which Cistercian standards were maintained was in the strict hierarchy of the abbey.  The senior position was abbot, who was supported by a prior and, at larger establishments a sub-prior.  Beneath them were the choir monks who made up the primary community of the monastery.  Although monks were in theory equal in status, many of them had particular responsibilities, and the requirement for self-sufficiency meant that these roles were very clearly delineated and were of importance to the smooth running of the abbey.  The monks assigned certain roles were called obedientiaries.  The monks will be discussed in part 5.

The role of the abbot

The remains of Strata Marcella, the abbey from which Valle Crucis was founded. Source: Coflein

The most important person in the abbey was the abbot (from the Greek abbas, father).  He would normally be assisted by a prior, the second in command.  The abbot was responsible for maintaining order according to the Cistercian regulations.  He was accountable to both the mother abbey, Strata Marcella in mid Wales, as well as the founding abbey, Cîteaux, for the abbey’s performance and adherence to Cistercian standards, as well as for internal morale and discipline.  An abbot could have been a prior or an experienced monk before being elevated to the most senior position within a new abbey.  He could be promoted internally from within his own abbey or another Cistercian abbey on the retirement, death or elevation of a predecessor. Alternatively, when a new abbey was established the mother house provided the abbot and monks, and the new abbot was responsible for managing not only the monks but also for overseeing the building of the monastery and its church, a process that could take 40 years or more.

Most importantly, the abbot was responsible for ensuring that salvation was ensured for all of of the monks under his authority.  Salvation could only be achieved by undivided focus on God, achieved by adhering to the Order’s rules, including obedience, commitment and remarkable self-discipline.  Individual breaches of internal order would be profoundly disruptive to the community as a whole and, depending on the nature of the transgression, could place the individual’s soul in jeopardy.  Even the most dedicated and devout might find frustrations and difficulties associated with such a life.  Maintaining strict discipline, albeit with compassion, empathy and care, was of fundamental importance for a community that lived together, usually for life, and the abbot was responsible for the wellbeing of both individual monks and the community as a whole, the father of his community.

Salvation.  God seated in glory with angels to either side, proclaims salvation; the archangel Michael fights the 7-headed dragon as devils are hurled by other angels from the sky.  From the Cistercian Abbey of Citeaux. Source: Wikipedia

The abbot was also responsible for the welfare of the monastery’s finances and its economic  self-sufficiency.  Each abbey received land and associated assets to ensure that it was self sufficient, but these resources did not manage themselves and, with assistance from key obedientiaries, the abbot was responsible for ensuring that the abbey achieved ongoing financial security.  Obedientiaries, monks with specific roles within the community, were each allocated a budget to finance their particular area of responsibility, and the abbot would have been responsible for overseeing how to allocate funds, and how these individual budgets, once allocated, were employed.  The running of a monastic establishment was equivalent to running a business, and the abbot was its managing director.

Each year, abbots were obliged to proceed to the heart of the Cistercian order, the New Monastery at Cîteaux, to attend a meeting called the General Chapter, which discussed matters of policy, changes to the rules and statutes, and disciplinary matters and ensured that standards were maintained. Sometimes abbots at lesser abbeys such as Cymer near Dolgellau, or abbeys going through economically rough patches, were forced to borrow the funds required for this long trip, which might place a heavy burden on the economic resources of the monastery.    

Abbots of Valle Crucis

The abbey took its tone from the abbot, and there were both successes and failures recorded at Valle Crucis.  Nothing much could be done about the war waged by Edward I on the abbey’s properties, and although reparations were made by Edward twice in the late 13th Century, the financial constraints and perhaps even some privation within the community may have been felt.  It would have been the job of the abbot at that time of these and other difficulties to mitigate the impacts of the worries and any challenges that the abbey experienced.

There are no likenesses of any of the abbots of Valle Crucis, with the possible exception of a stone effigy that may have been Abbot Hywel, shown below and discussed further in part 5.  The Cistercians did not believe in adorning their monasteries with art works, and even though later Cistercian abbots might have indulged themselves with portraits, during the dissolution of the monasteries, Henry VIII commanded that all the assets of the monasteries be sold or destroyed.  Only a few Cistercian portraits therefore survive, and none of them were from Valle Crucis.

Sculpted face at the far end of the slype. Source: Wikimedia

Valle Crucis, founded in 1201 with monks and an abbot, Abbot Philip, from Strata Marcella, received an annual visitation from the abbot of Strata Marcella, or his proxy, throughout its life to ensure that it was conforming to the rules and values of the Cistercians.  Nothing is known of Abbot Philip, except that his appointment as abbot of an important new house marks him out as a highly responsible and suitably motivated individual, in all ways suitable for the daunting task of bringing up a monastery and its economic infrastructure from scratch.  Certainly the architectural development of the abbey argues that Abbot Philip was very capable in at least that respect, but a statute issued early in his tenure refers to him rarely celebrating Mass or receiving the Holy Eucharist.  He was apparently not alone, as the Abbots of Aberconwy and Carleon were also found guilty of the same lax behaviour.   

There is mention of an an Abbot Tenhaer in 1227 and again in 1234.  Nothing about him is known, but three dates tie in roughly with his tenure.  In the mid 1225 and 1227 Valle Crucis was recorded as being in dispute with neighbouring monasteries Strata Marcella and Cwmhir respectively, probably in connection with grazing rights.  In 1234 the General Chapter recorded that the incumbent abbot had allowed women to enter the monastic precinct.  The name of the abbot is not given, so the guilty party could have been either Tenhaer or his immediate successor whose name is not recorded.

Between approximately 1274 and 1284 an Abbot Madog or Madoc is known, his name recorded in two notable documents.  The first was a letter to the Pope in 1275, in which seven of the Welsh Cistercian abbots defended the reputation of Llywelyn against charges made by Anian, Bishop of St Asaph. The other six abbeys were Aberconwy, Whitland, Strata Florida, Cwmhir, Strata Marcella and Cymer.  Valle Crucis is recorded in the same year as having only 5 monks.  The second document is a document dating to December 1282, which notes a loan from Prince Llywelyn ap Gruffud of £40.00 to “expedite and sustain Abbot Madog” on abbey business.  That was a substantial sum – the National Archives Currency Convertor estimates that today this would equate to £27,762.78 (or 47 horses, 88 cows or 173 stones of sheep wool) It may well have had something to do with Edward’s two major assaults on Wales in 1277 and 1282–83 respectively.  Edward’s generous compensations to Valle Crucis and other northern abbeys indicate the level of damage inflicted on the monastic establishments, allocated to Valle Crucis in 1283 and 1284 (£26 13s  4d and 160 respectively – the latter the highest sum paid to a Welsh Cistercian monastery).

Fragment of a gravestone, possibly from Valle Crucis and perhaps showing Abbot Hywel. Photograph by Professor Howard Williams. Source: ArchaeoDeath blog

An Abbot Hywel is mentioned in February 1294 and July 1295. The dates tie in with a record showing that Edward I placed the estates of Roger of Mold in the care of the abbey in 1294 (whilst Roger was on Crown work in Gascony), and then visited in person in in 1295, making oblations (religious gifts) of “two cloths.”  It is possible that he is the same Hywel Abbas shown in the fragment of a gravestone effigy showing a tonsured monk, first recorded in 1895 and now in Wynnstay Hall near Ruabon, which was on loan for a period to Llangollen Museum. A photograph of the effigy is shown left.  Professor Howard Williams and colleagues have researched the fragment, the style of which is consistent with the late 13th century, and believe that it probably came from Valle Crucis.  Whilst it may have been one of the choir monks, the investment in the carving of the slab argues that it was someone of more importance.  

Abbot Hywel was succeeded by a number of abbots about whom, again, almost nothing is known, but in 1330 Abbot Adam was appointed and is apparently mentioned on several occasions until perhaps January 1344.  It is thought that the inscription that remains clearly visible on the rebuilt gable on the west façade of the abbey church belongs to this abbot, claiming credit for the restoration work.  His inscription was not consonant with Cistercian ideas of modesty and humility, but this type of autograph was by no means unknown in the Cistercian Order.

St Asaph Cathedral, which dates back to the 13th Century. Source: Wikipedia

Again there are some names or partial names recorded, but this was the period of the Black Death that arrived in 1349, when keeping up to date records was probably the last thing on most people’s minds, and it is not until Abbot Robert Lancaster that more details are again available.  Abbot Robert was installed as abbot of Valle Crucis in about 1409, the year in which the papacy was reunited under pope Alexander V after the Great Schism of 1378.  Shortly afterwards he was elevated to the bishopric of St Asaph.  He held the positions of Abbot and Bishop simultaneously, until September 1419.  His is an interesting case, although not unique.  In that same year, 1419, a petition to the pope records that he had undertaken repairs to the monastery following a fire possibly inflicted during the Owain Glyndŵr rebellion.  Another extension to his twin role was granted In June 1424 for another fifteen years.  The conflicting demands of St Asaph and Valle Crucis may have tested his leadership skills because there is papal correspondence to the monastery, reminding the monks of their vows of obedience to the abbot, implying that there had been at least one serious breach of discipline or a challenge to his authority.  Abbot Robert may have retained the abbacy of Valle Crucis up to the time of his death in March 1433.  It is somewhat ironic that 6 generations on from Madog ap Gruffudd Maelor, the founder of Valle Crucis, the damage inflicted on the abbey during the Welsh rebellion between 1400 and 1410, was lead by Madog’s own descendent Owain Glyndŵr.  This time, there was no compensation, and it is not known how Valle Crucis, under Abbot Robert, was able to fund its own recovery.

The English Richard or John Mason held the position of abbot, for a period period lasting between February 1438 and July 1448, which may have been a period of neglect, although the evidence for this has not been clearly stated.  Abbot Mason was English, which may have caused difficulties within a Welsh context.  Although 18 years after the end of Owain Glyndŵr’s rebellion, nearly a generation on, there must have been residual resentment and a sense of loss amongst the Welsh gentry of Powys Fadog, if not amongst those monks of the Valle Crucis community who retained a sense of Welsh identity.

Sculpted head at the far end of the slype. Photograph by Llywelyn2000 Source: Wikimedia

There is a gap of some seven years in the records, but the three abbots that followed, Sîon ap Rhisiart (John ap Richard, 1455-1461), Dafydd ab Leuan ab Iorwerth (1480-1503) and Sîon Llwyd (John Lloyd) seem to have engineered a turnaround in the fortunes of the abbey, which now came under the patronage of the Stanley family who have been discussed above.  Under these abbots, Valle Crucis became a centre for literature and poetry.  At the same time, it seems to have become a rather more gregarious establishment than in previous centuries, entertaining high profile guests in fairly lavish style, praised in verse by Welsh poets Guto’r Glyn, Gutun  Owain and Tudur Aled.

Abbot Sîon ap Rhisiart (John ap Richard) was abbot between c.1455 and 1461.  David Williams refers to him as an “abbot-restorer,” who was from an important local family, the Trefors.  He is best known for the enthusiasm with which his hospitality was received by the poet Gutun Owain who described Valle Crucis as “a palace of diadem.”

Abbot Dafydd ab Leuan ab Iorwerth seems to have become abbot in February 1484.  He may have come from the Aberconwy monastery, and was again a member of the important local Trefor family.  He too was being praised by the Welsh poet Gutun Owain for his hospitality, commenting, with hindsight somewhat ambivalently “how good is the lord who loves to store his wealth and spend it on Egwestl’s noble church.”  Owain also praised Dafydd’s architectural achievements, including a fretted ceiling in the abbot’s house.  The village of Egwestl was the one that Valle Crucis had supplanted, and the abbey was still known locally by the village name.  Abbot Dafydd became deputy reformator of the Cistercian Order in England and Wales in 1485, a position of considerable importance.  Between 1500 and 1503 he was raised to the position of Bishop of St Asaph in Wales which, like Abbot Robert Lancaster earlier in the same century, he held concurrently (in commendam) with the the abbacy of Valle Crucis.  He died in about 1503.

Abbot Sîon Llwyd (John Lloyd) became abbot in about 1503 and stayed in the position until about 1527.  He became one the overseers of the compilation of the Welsh pedigree of Henry VII, a royal appointment, and in 1518 he was described as “king’s chaplain and doctor of both laws.”  Like his two predecessors, he was praised in verse for his hospitality by a well known poet, this time Tudur Aled.  Although he was buried at Valle Crucis, his tombstone was moved after the suppression and placed outside the church of Llanarmon yn Iâl.

Henry Fitzroy, duke of Richmond and Somerset, and patron of Valle Crucis during the abbacy of Robert Salusbury and during the dissolution of the abbey. Source: Wikipedia

Unfortunately but interestingly, this relatively brief period of glory was followed by disgrace.  The richness of the abbey in its late years, and its comfortable lifestyle, seems to have attracted quite the wrong sort of abbot, of which more in the next post.  The member of a local family was appointed to the post of abbot, although it is far from clear how he was able to obtain the position.  The family was prominent and well respected, but Abbot Robert Salusbury, who held the position from 1528-35 has been implicated in a number of crimes and felonies and appears to have had no training as a monk.  As Evans puts it (Valle Crucis Abbey, Cadw 2008):  “He was a totally unsuitable candidate, who appears to have been imposed upon the abbey;  he was probably under age, never served a proper novitiate as a monk, and does not seem to have been properly professed or elected.” Five monks left, leaving just two behind, forcing Robert Salusbury to acquire seven more from other monasteries, who he paid to serve.  In February 1534, with matters clearly out of control at the abbey, Henry Fitzroy, duke of Richmond and Somerset, Lord of Bromfield and Iâl, and patron of Valle Crucis, sent a visitation (inspection) to Valle Crucis, headed by Abbot Lliesion of Neath (reformator of the Cisternian order in Wales), and accompanied by the abbots of Aberconwy, Cwmhir and Cymer.  Things were soon set in motion for change.  In June 1534, the abbey was put under the care of the Abbot of Neath. in 1534, assisted by the prior Robert Bromley.  Salusbury was sent to Oxford for re-education, with a generous allowance, but the order’s good intentions were wasted.  Salusbury was eventually imprisoned in the Tower of London for leading a band of highwaymen in Oxford.

Abbot John Herne/Heron/Durham had the unenviable task of succeeding Robert Salusbury.  He had been a monk of the Abbey of St Mary Graces, Smithfield, London. It must have been something of a culture shock transferring from one of the Cistercian order’s few urban locations to the rural splendours of Valle Crucis, especially as he found the finances in such a poor state that he was forced to borrow £200 to meet the expenses of his own installation.  He was abbot of Valle Crucis from June 1535 until August 1536.  He was abbot when the Valor Ecclesiasticus, Henry VIII’s valuation of all the abbeys in the  realm, was carried out.  All monastic establishments valued at less than £200.00 were listed for immediate suppression and and the abbey was closed accordingly in 1536.  Henry Fitzroy, patron of Valle Crucis, died in the same year, at the age of 17.  After the suppression of the abbey, it is recorded in March 1537 that Abbot John was granted a pension.
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Priors and sub-priors

The opening page of the Valor Ecclesiasticus, showing Henry VIII. Source: Wikipedia

The prior was secondary only to the abbot, was usually promoted from within the abbey’s own ranks and could rise to abbot of the same or another establishment, particularly a new, daughter establishment.  

The only prior to receive  attention in records associated with Valle Crucis is Prior Robert Bromley, who had been at Valle Crucis since about 1504 was passed over in favour of Robert Salusbury in 1528, a clearly very bad decision.  Williams says that he was given several privileges, perhaps as compensation for being passed up for the abbacy in 1528:  “He was now absolved from ecclesiastic censure due (if any) for not wearing the habit; he was permitted (because of infirmity) to wear linen next to his skin, long leggings of a decent colour (the monks were normally hare legged beneath their habit, and a ‘head warmer’ under his hood; he was allowed to talk quietly in the dorter [dormitory] . . . . and to eat and drink in his own (prior’s) chamber” (The Welsh Cistercians, p.68).  Such concessions were usually allowed only to the abbot.  When Salusbury was ousted by the Abbot of Neath in 1534, it was put in Bromley’s care temporarily, but he had no desire to become abbot of such a neglected establishment.  He too was a victim of the Valor Ecclesiasticus, and was respectably pensioned off.
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Final comments on part 4

Valle Crucis from the south

As I was trying to untangle the stories of Powys Fadog and Bromfield and Iâl with a view to determining how they impacted patronage of the monastery, and to see what sort of political world surrounded and incorporated the abbey, it became increasingly clear why there were peaks and troughs in its career.  Whilst there were  periods of investment in architecture and scholarly output, it was also clear, and perfectly understandable, that the abbey had been through periods of downturn and neglect.  

The Black Death of 1349 raised questions in secular minds about the value of the clergy and of monastic prayer, whilst the Hundred Years War between 1337 and 1453 and the Great Schism of 1378-1409 inevitably challenged more than the idea of a unified Cistercian identity, placing Britain and France (the homeland of the Cistercians), in opposing camps.  For the entire period of the Great Schism, the annual General Chapter at Cîteaux was cancelled, with a papal bull from Urban VI releasing the Cistercians outside France from their obedience to the abbot of Cîteaux.  The General Chapter resumed in 1411, but the tone of Europe, the perception of the Church and the character of the Cistercian order had changed. It was during the late 14th and 15th centuries that the abbots of Valle Crucis became more worldly, less committed to the original ideals of either St Benedict or the earliest Cistercians.

The penultimate abbot, Robert Salusbury, was clearly a very poor decision, but demonstrates how both the abbey’s current patron, Henry Fitzroy, and the Cistercian order mobilized together to resolve the undoubtedly embarrassing problem.  They might not have bothered had they known how soon their world was to come tumbling down.

Next

Part 5 is coming shortly, and will talk about the monastic community below the level of abbot and prior, and how the monks and their colleagues lived their lives.  All parts are available, as they are written by clicking on the following link: https://basedinchurton.co.uk/category/valley-crucis-abbey/
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Sources for part 4:

Tying in various bits of data would have been a lot more difficult without the excellent Monastic Wales website, a brilliant resource for all monastic establishments in Wales, which lists a number of abbot names mentioned in documents, highlighting gaps in the sequence and allowing a clear impression of what is and is not known about both the abbey and its abbots.  I used this as my starting point for reading about the personnel at Valle Crucis.  As usual, The Welsh Cistercians by David Williams (2001) and the booklet Valle Crucis Abbey by D.H. Evans (2008) have been invaluable.  

All sources for the series are listed in part 1.