Category Archives: History

Cheshire Proverbs 8: “As Bare as the Bishop of Chester” (15th Century)

“As Bare as the Bishop of Chester”

J.C. Bridge, no.33, p.9

 

This comes from a poem that Bridge believes dates to the time of Edward IV (28 April 1442 – 9 April 1483), and he suggests that it may belong to the period between the 1460s and 70s.  There are two versions of it surviving in contemporary manuscripts (which I have massaged into modern English).

Hearken to my tale that I shall show
For of such marvels I have heard four
If any of them be  a lie that I tell after
I would I were as bare as the Bishop of Chester

The second version reads as follows:

Hearken to my message that I shall to you show
For of such marvels you have heard but few
If any of them be untrue that I shall tell you after,
Then become I as poor as the Bishop of Chester

As Bridge points out, this refers to the first Chester Bishopric at St John the Baptist’s, not the one founded by Henry VIII in 1541 that converted the dissolved Benedictine Abbey of St Werburgh to become Chester’s new cathedral.

 

A bit of background

Lead seal of Peter, Bishop of Chester

Lead seal mould of Peter, Bishop of Chester 1075-1085 (Chester Archaeology). Source: The Medieval Period Resource Assessment 2007

In the 11th century Archbishop of Canterbury Lanfranc decreed that bishops should locate themselves in the largest and most impressive provincial centre within their area of responsibility (called a see).  Accordingly, in 1075 the Bishop Peter of Lichfield moved his power base to Chester and began to build a new cathedral commensurate with the importance of his status in his newly adopted town in a monumental Romanesque style, dedicated to St John the Baptist.  Quite why he decided to build outside the walls could be explained in a number of ways, but may have had something to do with Hugh d’Avranches, the first Earl of Chester, who may already have had plans for an ecclesiastical institution within the city walls on an existing church site (St Werburgh’s Abbey, founded in 1093);  or it may have been something to do with a shortage of space for such a large project.  Whatever the reason, by establishing it where he did, on the site of a church that is thought to have been established in the 7th century, he provided his own foundation with a sense of longstanding religious heritage that reinforced its validity as a primary Christian house.

On the death of Bishop Peter in 1095, the role passed to Robert de Limsey.  Bishop Robert abandoned the Chester cathedral in 1102, shifting the see to Coventry, probably to take advantage of the considerable wealth of the Priory of St Mary, which became a new cathedral.  Work foundered on Chester’s St John’s Cathedral which, in spite of no incumbent bishop, retained its role, with subsequent bishops of Coventry and Lichfield terming themselves, when convenient, Bishop of Chester at least into the 16th century.

Work resumed on St John’s a century after the death of Bishop Peter, and was completed sometime in the late 1200s, becoming a successful collegiate church.  It is to this period that the upper storeys belong.  Today’s tower replaces the one that partially collapsed in 1881 after a lightning strike.  The cathedral was included in the local pilgrimage route, along with the Abbey of St Werburgh, when it acquired what was claimed to be a relic of the true cross during the Crusades.
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Back to the proverb

The glorious Romanesque interior of St John's, Chester

The glorious Romanesque interior of St John’s, Chester

There are four possible interpretations of the poem.  The first is that posed by Bridge himself, which is that it was a “sarcastic” reference to the sheer wealth of the Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield.  Douglas Jones highlights how the livings earned by those appointed to different roles at St John’s were doing very nicely, and were far more wealthy than all local churches other than the Rectory of St Mary’s.  Between 1300 and 1430 six out of ninety-one canons of St John’s were presented by the King and three by the Prince of Wales, with twelve by the Pope. Twenty-seven were arranged by the Bishop, and when he was free to make his own choices, he “seems often to have regarded the prebendal status of the collegiate church as providing a source of additional pocket money for his relatives, his friends and his clerks” (Jones, p.17).  Some of those appointed to St John’s rose to positions of great regional and national influence.

In a second possible scenario, the word “bare” could equate to “threadbare,” referring to the fact that the title of “Bishop of Chester” was no more than nominal, nothing more than the smoke and mirrors promoted by the bishopric of Coventry and Litchfield which, having abandoned Chester in favour of more profitable regions, had retained its rights over title to it, and had left St John’s as nothing more than a sinecure.

In a third possible interpretation, it is distinctly possible that it was a matter of considerable amusement within Chester that there was an ongoing quarrel between St John’s and St Werburgh’s, both wealthy institutions that stood above and over the general populace.  In general, monastic institutions were obliged to pay an annual sum to the Bishopric, by whom they were overseen, and to whom they had to account for themselves.  It was the ambition of many monasteries to escape both the financial obligation and the ongoing interference, and Chester had petitioned the pope for just such a relief.  It was granted an exemption in 1363, but nothing at St Werburgh’s ever ran smoothly, and the ongoing fight to retain independence was always at odds with the interests of the Bishops, still nominally of St John’s, to resume its position of influence.  This ongoing failure to entirely subdue St Werburgh’s and bring it back into the financial fold may also have been a source of amusement and comment amongst Chester’s populace about both St John’s and St Werburgh’s.

St John's Chester 1881 after tower collapse

The cathedral in 1881 after the collapse of the top of the 16th century tower. Now in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester. Artist unknown.

The final possible interpretation (unless someone else has other ideas) could also refer to a loss of financial income for St John’s in the 15th century.  Jones says that Owen Glyndŵr’s rebellion had had a considerable impact on ecclesiastical finances after 1430.  It is again pure speculation, but it is possible that St John’s, like other ecclesiastical institutions in Chester, was suffering an unaccustomed shortage of funds, and that this was a source of some amusement in the local community.

In any one of these scenarios, the Bishop of Chester could be said to be “bare,” either in tones of irony due to his extreme wealth, or actually reflecting a documented change in the financial fortunes of Chester’s St John’s that was responded to in Chester with a distinct sense of schadenfreude.
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Final Comments

I particularly like two aspects of this proverb.  The first is that it recalls a part of Chester’s history that is often forgotten, which is that St John’s was not only established as a cathedral but continued to perform the role into the 16th century.  Secondly, I love that this proverb is fundamentally embedded in what must have been a topic of real controversy in Chester:  a bishopric that provided its various incumbents and administrators with a high wage, but whose leaders were absent, claiming rights over Chester and drawing status from it without being any part of the city.  When St John’s and its employees went through less profitable times, there was probably very little sympathy in the city.  In fact, there was almost certainly a distinct sense of justice having been served.  Whether the proverb refers to greater or less profitable times, there is a distinct sense that the relationship between the St John’s and the City was often far from harmonious and that the bishops themselves were bare of any form of substance.  However it may be interpreted, this proverb captures the fact that Chester’s ecclesiastical past was not merely a barely remarked upon fact of life, but something that was noticed and discussed, not always in favourable terms.

 

For more about J.C. Bridge and this Cheshire Proverbs series,
see Cheshire Proverbs 1.

For the other proverbs in the series, click on the Cheshire Proverbs label
in the right hand margin, or see the end of the Archaeology, Heritage and Art page, where they are listed.

 

The east end of St John's, walled off from the main church after the Dissolution

The east end of St John’s, walled off from the main church after the Dissolution

 

Sources:

Books and papers

Boughton, Peter 1997.  Picturesque Chester. The City in Art. Chester City Council and Phillimore

Bridge, J.C. 1917.  Cheshire Proverbs and Other Sayings and Rhymes Connected with the City an County Palatine of Chester.  Phillipson and Golder (Chester)

Carrington, Peter 1994.  Book of Chester.  B.T. Batsford / English Heritage

Jones, Douglas 1957.  The Church in Chester 1300-1540. Chetham Society

Pevsner, Nikolaus and Edward Hubbard 1971. The Buildings of England: Cheshire. Penguin Books

Websites

St John the Baptist
A History of St John’s
https://stjohnschester.uk/history-of-st-johns-chester/

 

 

A material connection between Plas Newydd (Llangollen) and Brynkinalt (Chirk)? (Plas Newydd #5)

Introduction

Brynkinalt, near Chirk

Brynkinalt, just outside Chirk

I went with a friend on a guided tour of the house, partly because it looked stunning, but also because I have been exploring the places with which Lady Eleanor Butler and Sarah Ponsonby might have had connections that either influenced or directly contributed to Plas Newydd.  By “influence” I mean the decorative styles that could have had an impact on the way in which the decorative vision of Plas Newydd in Llangollen was born and developed.  By “direct contribution” I mean the acquisition of the pieces of wood, glass, tiling, etc that make up the fabulous pastiche of decorative arts at Plas Newydd.  Photographs were permitted outside, but banned in the interior (which is still a family home) so I have been unable to include anything much to supplement the descriptions below.  xxx

Plas Newydd in Llangollen

Brynkinalt was of particular interest not only because, thanks to the excerpts from diaries and letters of Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby, I knew that the ladies had been visitors to the house, but because reading up on the house informed me that it had been a Jacobean creation that had been radically altered in 1808 whilst the ladies were resident at Plas Newydd.  If I understand Lady Eleanor correctly, she would not have been shy about asking for unwanted decorative features if they became available.  My introductory piece about Plas Newydd is here, and the full series of five posts can be found here (including this one).
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Brynkinalt

The Coflein description of Brynkinalt, is as follows:

Brynkinalt, 1808 wing

Brynkinalt, with the new wing added in 1808

[T]his 1612 building now forms the central portion of the present brick built hall. The additions of 1808 include the single-storey wings on either side of the south front, which were further lengthened to include a billiard room and conservatory on either side. Two conservatories, now gone, were inserted into the south front between the cross wings. The west front was extended northwards to include an extensive service wing. All the extensions were castellated and the entire building was stuccoed. Work began in 1928 and stopped during the war to be taken up again in the 1950’s to reduce or remove the nineteenth century additions: the stucco was removed, except at the end of the east wing, and the large service wing which housed the kitchen at the rear was demolished except for the outer range which remains.

Brynkinallt consists of two principal floors with recessed bays, forward wings and a central porch. The doorway is has a Gothic pointed arch with a studded oak door and crest over, set below a label mould which rises to a string which extends between floors completely around the front elevation. The windows are ogee-moulded behind a chamfered surround, mullioned and transomed: 5-light to the porch chamber, 4-light to the ground floor of the wings, 3-light above and 3-light without transoms to the attics.

The interior is largely in a heavy Classical style. Of specific interest is a fine marble seventeenth century chimneypiece with a heraldic over-mantel with carvings. There is a great stair hall of 1808, with a gallery, Tuscan columns

The description gives something of a sense of how much Brynkinalt has changed since it was built in 1612. The Great Hall, for example, replaced a courtyard surrounded by some 50 rooms, so as large as it is, the house is now much more modest than it was originally.

Brynkinalt rear aspect

Brynkinalt from the rear, showing some of the gothic-style lancet windows installed in around 1808

The exterior retains much of its Jacobean appearance, albeit with the addition of some Gothic-inspired elaborations.  Removal of most of the 19th century external rendering has restored the splendid brickwork to view on the most visible parts of the house, although there is still much to be done at the rear, which gives a very good sense of the task that has already been undertaken.  The interior has been radically remodelled, with only the oak-panelled hall providing a sense of the Jacobean house.  Nearly all of the other Jacobean decorative arts and furnishings vanished due to Lady Charlotte’s re-imagining of Brynkinalt, and although the current interior is attractive and imaginative, it retains only pockets of its Jacobean heritage and it is not known what was done with the stripped-out Jacobean interior when those rooms were replaced.
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Links between the owners of the two houses

Anne Wellesley Countess of Mornington

Anne Wellesley, Countess of Mornington, mother of Arthur Wellesley,who became the Duke of Wellington. Source: Wikipedia

The connections that tie these two houses together were very confusing at first.  Family histories make my head spin, and not in an enjoyable way, but it was necessary to get to grips with the essentials. This was firstly because if the ladies were actively collecting when the house was being refurbished they might have benefitted from the unwanted decorative features and furnishings, and secondly because when Arthur Wellesely, the first Duke of Wellington, visited his grandmother Anne Hill-Trevor at Brynkinalt he also visited Eleanor and Sarah and, on at least one occasion, is said to have brought them decorative gifts.

The Viscountess Dungannon Anne Hill-Trevor (1715-1799), née Anne Stafford, wife of Arthur Hill-Trevor, the First Viscount of Dungannon (second creation, the first title having expired) lived at Brynkinalt and was partially responsible for introducing Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby into local society, sharing both family and friends in Ireland with the two ladies.  Anne’s daughter, also Anne (1742-1831), married the first Earl of Mornington, Garrett Welsley (1735-1781) with whom she had nine children, one of whom was Arthur Wellesley (1769-1852) who became the first Duke of Wellington.  As mentioned above, Wellesley, before he was awarded his title, visited the ladies when on visits to his grandmother at Brynkinalt.

Dungannon (Brynkinalt) visits to Plas Newydd. Source: Early Tourists in Wales.

Dungannon (Brynkinalt) visits to Plas Newydd. Source: Copied from the Early Tourists in Wales website.

When the first Viscount died, Anne remained at Brynkinalt.  Their only son having died, the title passed to one of their grandsons, who became the the second Viscount of Dungannon, another Arthur Hill-Trevor (1763-1837).  It was his wife Charlotte (1763-1823) who initiated transformations of Brynkinalt, beginning in 1808, which removed much of the Jacobean architecture and interiors and added new kings featuring spacious rooms, large windows, tall ceilings, a plethora of ornamental columns and lightly coloured walls to replace dark panelling. Anne and Charlotte, between the date of Charlotte’s marriage (1795) and the first Viscountess Anne’s death (1799), were briefly contemporaries at Brynkinalt.

The diaries of Lady Eleanor report that even after Anne’s death in 1799 (the year that they received a gift of a cow from the estate, as well as venison and partridges sent with a messenger), visits to Brynkinalt continued.  Elizabeth Mavor says that in 1805 “there were jaunts to Porkington, Brynkinalt [and] Aston,” and an earlier reference in the journal to playing cards at Brynkinalt suggest that they were still welcome visitors. Certainly in January 1805 they were at Brynkinalt when the journal provides a short account of meeting someone who had arrived in St Petersburg the day after the assassination of “Emperor Paul.”  Other visits may well have coincided with the period in which Charlotte, the second Lady Dungannon (died 1823), was beginning to make her transformations in 1808.  Mary Carryll, who had accompanied Lady Eleanor and Miss Ponsonby from Ireland as their servant and good friend, was on visiting terms with Lady Dungannon’s upper servants.  The visits were probably less frequent, but there are clear indications that they continued, and Michael Freeman’s EArly Tourists in Wales website records that Lord and Lady Dungannon continued to visit the ladies at Plas Newydd.
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Direct contributions?

The removal of Jacobean features by Lady Charlotte probably included panelling, overmantels, doors, and furnishings that would not have fitted into her hybridized Neoclassical vision.  Unwanted carvings and furnishings could have been snapped up by local dealers and salvage companies, and some of it may have been purchased by private collectors.  As I have already mentioned above, if there were items going spare, it seems entirely likely that Lady Eleanor would not have been at all shy about asking for any unwanted decorative items.

Library window in Plas Newydd, with wyvern closely resembling that of Brynkinalt in the landing window at Brynkinalt at bottom left.

Sadly, in spite of the strong suggestion of the timings of Brynkinalt being remodelled as a fashionable country house over the period when Plas Newydd was becoming a showcase for earlier decorative arts, it is impossible, from the very few remaining pieces of Jacobean carving left at Brynkinalt to do anything more than speculate that some stripped-out pieces of Brynkinalt carving may now adorn the walls of Plas Newydd.

The stained glass, however, may be another story.  Plas Newydd is stuffed with stained glass fragments that are patchworked together to fit particular spaces (I have written about the stained glass here, based on the survey by Mostyn Lewis).  There is one tiny corner of Plas Newydd, a single quarry/tiny pane of glass that suggests that a piece of Brynkinalt stained glass has found its way to Plas Newydd (see photo above).  In the Plas Newydd library there is a black wyvern (dragon with two legs) with a gold crown around its neck, standing on a red cushion, which had formerly been framed in a gold lozenge.  This is such a good match for one at the top of the Great Hall staircase at Brynkinalt that it seems likely that the Plas Newydd fragment does derive, however it was acquired, from Brynkinalt.  It would be interesting to see if there are other connections of this sort between the stained glass fragments at Plas Newydd and the surviving stained glass panes at Brynkinalt.
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Influence?

Strawberry Hill House, Twickenham.

Strawberry Hill House, Twickenham. Source: Wikipedia

The absence of any formal research into any possible relationship between the two houses means that the evidence for direct influence is minimal at the moment, but the indirect influence in the form of the communication of ideas, could well be detected in Plas Newydd, and this lies in both the shape of the lancet windows and the stained glass.

When Plan Newydd is discussed, it is often in the same breath as Strawberry Hill in Twickenham, where Sir Hugh Walpole created an imaginative extravaganza to celebrate past styles, reinventing the Gothic to produce something that emulated architectural features but took a far more light-hearted, frivolous tone.  The same comment was made on the Brynkinalt guided tour concerning the changes made by Charlotte, Viscountess of Dungannon.  Lady Charlotte introduced Gothic-style window tracery in some rooms, arcading in the conservatory, castle-style turrets and crenellations, lending Gothic flourishes to a dominantly Neoclassical vision.  Whether or not the Ladies ever saw images from Strawberry Hill is not clear at the moment.  They had an a voracious appetite for experiencing the world vicariously via books and newspapers, so it is entirely possible.   It is extremely likely, however, that they could have had first hand experience of the new Gothic windows and the other modifications at Brynkinalt.

 

Prismatic arch, Plas Newydd, Llangollen

Library side of the prismatic arch, Plas Newydd

The most obvious potential influence on the stained glass is the large window on a landing at the top of the stairs leading from the Great Hall to the gallery, in which the glass is arranged in a similar way to that in the bedrooms at Plas Newydd.  There are also over-door panels of stained glass that would have been good models for the “prismatic arch” between the dining room and library at Plas Newydd.
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General Yorke and George Hunter Robertson

Although General Yorke owned Plas Newydd between 1876 and 1890 and George Robertson owned it between 1890 and 1910, and both contributed to the decorative features of the house, it seems unlikely that either were linked in any material way with Brynkinalt.  Any connections are likely to have been purely sociable.  General Yorke was a member of the Yorke’s of Erddig, another aristocratic family on the Wales-England borders, so there may have been polite connections.  George Robertson was a wealthy cotton trader from Liverpool, an outsider to the area with no previous links to Llangollen or Chirk.  Although he was an important resident in Llangollen, there is no sign of any synergy between the two houses.  In short, there is no indication that Brynkinalt or its owners had contributed anything to Plas Newydd after the deaths of Anne Hill-Trevor and Charlotte Hill-Trevor.
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Final Comments

Wyvern, Plas Newydd stained glass

Closer view of the wyvern at Plas Newydd. Apologies for the poor quality of the image, which is partly behind a curtain and on the wrong side of a rope barrier.

It will require a far more detailed investigation than my quick visit to attempt to unravel whether the connections between the owners of the two houses resulted in the transfer of any of the decorative arts from Brynkinalt to Plas Newydd.  At the moment the presence of any direct and indirect influences are purely speculative.  It probably occurs to anyone reading this that the most obvious thing to do would be to contact the Brynkinalt office to see if they have any additional input on the subject.  I did try, but received no reply, so if anyone else has anything to contribute on the subject, please do get in touch.

The visit to Brynkinalt was interesting in its own right, with a lovely exterior including a small formal garden that was meticulously manicured, and was showing splendid late summer colour.  There are many treats in store for the visitor in the interior, but the feature that completely stole my heart was the tiny first floor stone-built conservatory overlooking the valley below, an extravaganza of floral bliss with arcades and pillars.  The bougainvillea alone was wonderfully exotic.  For movie enthusiasts, the house was the the setting for Lady Chatterley’s Lover, and the stories about how this happened and the steps required to make the house ready for filming are a real eye-opener.  It was more than somewhat daunting to hear about the sheer amount of work and the corresponding costs associated with renovating and maintaining the building, and there is still much to be done, particularly to the exterior.  It was a good couple of hours well spent, and I recommend one of their open days.
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Panel commemorating the 1808 alterations at Brynkinalt

Panel on the rear of the house commemorating the 1808 alterations at Brynkinalt


Sources

Books and papers

Mavor, Elizabeth 1971, 2011 (2nd edition). The Ladies of Llangollen. A Study in Romantic Friendship. Moonrise Press.

Mavor, Elizabeth 1984.  Life with the Ladies of Llangollen. Viking (hardback).

Websites

Age of Revolution – Making the World Over 1775-1848
Wellington’s Places: Brynkinalt Hall. Some Welsh and Irish connections. By Dr. Mick Crumplin
ageofrevolution.org/themes/society/wellingtons-places/

Based In Churton
Splendid stained glass patchworks at Plas Newydd, Llangollen (Plas Newydd #2)
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/2025/05/16/spendid-stained-glass-patchworks-at-plas-newydd-llangollen/
Introduction to Plas Newydd in Llangollen: A packed extravaganza of the decorative arts (#1)
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/category/llangollen/plas-newydd-llangollen/

Brynkinalt
Home page
https://www.brynkinalt.co.uk/
(Brief details are also included in Brynkinalt advertising leaflets)

Coflein
Brynkinalt; Brynkinallt Hall; Bryncunallt, Chirk
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/26866

Early Tourists in Wales
The Ladies of Llangollen
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/
Descriptions of Plas Newydd and the Ladies of Llangollen
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/descriptions-of-plas-newydd-and-the-ladies-of-llangollen/
Visitors to Plas Newydd
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/visitors-to-plas-newydd/
Plas Newydd: List of Visitors, Alphabetical Order
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/visitors-to-plas-newydd/plas-newydd-list-of-visitors-alphabetical-order/

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“Gladiators of Britain” at the Grosvenor Museum, Chester, 20th September 2025- 25th January 2026

Introduction

The new Gladiators of Britain exhibition at the Grosvenor Museum fits the archaeology of a huge story very cleverly into a relatively small space, with a great many remarkable objects that have been very well chosen to illustrate the topic.

Thanks to Chester Archaeological Society I was lucky enough to be one of a group who were invited to a guided preview of the exhibition in late September 2025, just as it was opening.  Many thanks to Pauline Clarke (Excursions Officer at Chester Archaeological Society) and Elizabeth Montgomery (Grosvenor Museum) for organizing our visit.  Liz took us around the exhibit in two groups, and explained how the original exhibition had been organized by Glynn Davis, Senior Collections & Learning Curator from Colchester and Ipswich Museums, who had arranged for the loan of objects from both Chester’s Grosvenor Museum and London’s British Museum, partly to contextualize the remarkable and substantially important find of the Colchester Vase, shown both in the above poster and in photographs below.  When this exhibition had closed, the various parties who had contributed to the Colchester exhibition were approached with a view to loaning the same objects to enable a travelling exhibition, which is what we see at the Grosvenor today, using objects and interpretation boards to introduce gladiatorial contests in Britain.
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The Chester Amphitheatre

Before talking about the exhibition I though that it might be useful to put it into the context of the Chester amphitheatre.  For those completely happy with the history of the Chester amphitheatre, what amphitheatres were for and the roles they performed, do skip ahead.

Colosseum Rome, opened AD 80; a sestertius coin, on display at the Gladiators of Britain the exhibition

Rome’s Colosseum, which opened in AD 80, shown on a sestertius coin, on display at the Gladiators of Britain exhibition

Gladiatorial conquests took place in amphitheatres.  The best known amphitheatre in Europe is Rome’s own stone-built Colosseum, which remains even today a  stunning piece of architectural ambition, remarkably preserved and awe-inspiringly vast.  The exhibition has a video running on a small tablet that shows a super 3-D reconstruction of what the Colosseum may have looked like in the past (by Aleksander Ilic).  It provides a sense not only of an amphitheatre’s structural components but also of its monumental grandeur, reflecting its importance to Roman ideas of the necessities of urban infrastructure and social identity.

Like all other Roman military centres and towns, Chester (Roman Deva), established c.AD 74/75 was provided with an amphitheatre, currently the largest known in Britain.  As the museum curator, Elizabeth Montgomery, made clear when guiding us around the exhibit, that statement comes with the caveat that at the important northern centre of York (Eboracum) the amphitheatre has not yet been located, but the scale of the Chester amphitheatre is a very impressive feather in Deva’s cap.  Located just beyond the southeast corner of the fortification, just beyond the city walls and the New Gate (formerly the Wolf Gate) on Little St John’s Street.

The Chester amphitheatre as it is today

The Chester amphitheatre as it is today, showing the small room that housed the shrine to Nemesis at bottom right

Britain was attractive to Rome as a target for invasion partly because, at the edge of the known world, it was an quick win for both Julius Caesar and then Claudius.  It was far more prestigious to expand the Empire to its geographical limit than to merely curate its existing holdings.  It is clear too that by the first century AD the Romans stationed on the Rhine had begun to become materially aware of Britain via her trading relationship with Gaul, benefitting from her produce, raising an awareness of her resources, and providing a strong secondary reason both for the Claudian invasion and for sustained occupation.  Although Britain remained a peripheral province in a world where Rome was the centre of the geographical and cultural universe, the province had successive governors who were responsible for maintaining Britain as a component part of the Empire, with most of the infrastructure to mark it out as Roman territory.  Every major fortress and town boasted an amphitheatre and Chester had one from shortly after the establishment of the legionary fortress in the first century AD.

A wall map from the exhibition showing the location of 17 known amphitheatre or amphitheatre-like structures in Britain

An amphitheatre such as the one we have in Chester was multi-functional.  Although usually exclusively associated in people’s mind with spectacular and often gory action, where trained gladiators fought both other humans and wild animals, it was also used to execute criminals, to host military displays, to offer less lethal forms of entertainment and to display religious ceremonies and rituals.  It also doubled up as an additional training space for the military, only a very short march from the parade ground that was on today’s Frodsham Street, where training and drilling, manoeuvres and tactics, to prepare soldiers for the realities of military engagement against a potentially fractious population; and at the same time kept large numbers of men sufficiently busy to minimize the disputes that might break out.

Because many of the activities, particularly the gladiatorial events, attracted large audiences (in their 1000s), they had in common with football stadiums that they were designed to accommodate a large number of spectators, funnelling them via staircases and ramps to the raked seating, providing them with ease of access and clear visibility of the spectacle that unfolded below, a major task of civil engineering based on an understanding of crowd control.  The large number of entrances at the Chester amphitheatre is indicative of this understanding of how people flowed into a central location.

Gladiatorial event shown on a 2nd century slate found in Chester, on display at the exhibition

Sadly, although the Chester amphitheatre may have been used following the abandonment of Britain in AD 410 as a local defensive enclosure, the amphitheatre’s vast walls were subsequently robbed for building materials so thoroughly that it was reduced to it to nothing more than its foundations and the arena floor.  This denuded space was subsequently used as a dump, slowly filling in, and eventually becoming completely covered over and forgotten.  Buildings and gardens obliterated all evidence, with only Little St John’s Street, bending in a puzzling way, following the old line of the amphitheatre walls.  Perhaps the first hint that an amphitheatre may have been part of the Roman footprint of Chester was a slate plaque found in 1738  that showed a gladiatorial scene.

The Chester amphitheatre was rediscovered in 1929 when a new extension to the the Georgian and Victorian Dee House Ursuline Convent School, still sitting over the southern part of the amphitheatre, (and now known simply as Dee House), required a new basement for heating equipment, and the works that followed encountered Roman remains.  These were quickly recognised by W.J. Williams of the Chester Archaeological Society, who knew of the slate plaque, and shortly afterwards trial trenches were excavated by the Grosvenor Professor Robert Newstead of the Grosvenor Museum and Professor J.P. Droop, confirming that this was indeed the Roman city’s amphitheatre. 

Area of the amphitheatre in Detail of John McGahey's 1852 painting of Chester

Detail of John McGahey’s 1852 painting of Chester from an air balloon (with my rough indicator of location of amphitheatre in red show how completely the amphitheatre area was covered over).  Source: Ainsworth and Wilmott 2005 / Chester City Council

The site was already under threat from a new road, preparatory work for which had already taken place to run it across the centre of what was now known to be the amphitheatre.  The public and heritage organizations instantly responded, and different sources of pressure caused the plan to be cancelled.  Chester Archaeological Society (C.A.S.) took the lead in raising funds to clear the site and enable access for further excavations.  Although these plans were interrupted by the Second World War (during which air raid shelters were dug into the amphitheatre, destroying archaeological material), these excavations took place in the 1960s, lead by F. Hugh Thompson, who proposed a phased build for the amphitheatre.  In the 1990s a proposal to develop the site as a heritage destination led to planning permission for the Grade II listed Dee House to be knocked down to enable the excavation of the land beneath, but this met with financial problems, the plans faded and the planning permission lapsed in 1995 (a real lost opportunity).  In 2000  the site was again excavated, this time by Keith Matthews of Chester Archaeology, who revealed more data and came to different conclusions about the phasing the amphitheatre.

In January 2003 Chester City Council joined forces with English Heritage to initiate the Chester Amphitheatre Project, covering both the amphitheatre and flanking areas.  Objectives included non-invasive survey, excavation where appropriate and publication of the findings.  The work took place between 2004 and 2007, led by Dan Garner (Chester City Council) and Tony Wilmott (English Heritage).  The survey and excavations between 2005-2006 led by Tony Wilmott and Dan Garner, published in 2018, were particularly informative. The presence of the listed building Dee House on the other side of the site, although derelict, has prevented any further progress being made.

Phasing of the amphitheatre shown in blue (first amphitheatre) and orange (second amphitheatre). Source: Ainsworth and Wilmott 2005, p.23

The outcome of all this work has been a narrative of the large oval (rather than elliptical) amphitheatre’s two-phase construction.  The first phase was erected early in the fortress’s history probably shortly after the establishment of the legionary fortress after AD 74/75.  The early date of the amphitheatre at around AD80 is not unusual, with other early examples known from, for example, Dorchester, Silchester, Cirencester and Caerleon.  The second amphitheatre has destroyed some of the evidence of the first. The first amphitheatre was built in more than one phase, but it appears to have matured as a wooden scaffold holding seating, with a wall at its back, and another wall separating the seating from the arena.  The access to upper levels was via an external staircase, an arrangement that is otherwise only known from Pompeii at a similar date.  An interesting feature of the early amphitheatre phase is a small painted shrine dedicated to the deity Nemesis, which was retained in the second amphitheatre.

The second main phase of amphitheatre construction resulted in Britain’s biggest example of this type of building.  A new outer wall was built following the line of the earlier amphitheatre, a vast 2m (6ft 7ins) thick and 1.8m (5ft 11in) outside the outer wall of the first structure.  The original four entrances identified in the first amphitheatre were retained but new entrances were added that lead to the interior (vomitoria) to allow access to upper seating, suggsting that the outer wall was much higher than the earlier amphitheatre, an impression that is reinforced by the sheer size of the new outer wall.  As Willmot and Garner say (2018) “its size; the number, complexity and organization of entrances and the treatment of the exterior facade all place it in an architectural class beyond that of the other amphitheatres in the province.” It is estimated that the new amphitheatre could have accommodated up to between 7500-8000 spectators.  It is to this phase that the tethering stone belongs, as well as a coping stone (rounded stone topping for a wall) that contains the inscription “SERANO LOCUS” (see photo of both at the end of the post).

Julian Baum's reconstruction of Roman Chester, showing the dominance of the amphitheatre. Copyright Julian Baum, used with permission

Julian Baum’s incredibly life-like reconstruction of Roman Chester, showing the dominance of the amphitheatre, with the parade ground to its north.  See more details of the amphitheatre on Julian Baum’s site at https://jbt27.artstation.com/projects/bKDayr?album_id=332464 Copyright Julian Baum, used with kind permission (click to expand)

As well as being essentially a part of the urban townscape, albeit excluded from the fortress, the tall, impressive structure that would have made an impression far beyond the immediate environs of the city.  The surrounding landscape would have been in no doubt that the Ro mans had arrived, settled, and were here to stay, their amphitheatre not unlike a medieval cathedral in its powerful messaging.  This is abundantly clear in Julian Baum’s reconstructions, such as the one here, demonstrating how the amphitheatre could act as a symbol of Roman presence, sophistication and power.  Another of Julian’s reconstructions, showing the city at sunset, is on display in the exhibition, and both clearly demonstrate how dominant a feature the amphitheatre must have been and how important it was to the inhabitants of the fortress.
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The Gladiators of Britain Exhibition

As there are no written records of the events that took place in Britain’s amphitheatres, the focus of the exhibition is on archaeological data and its interpretation.  There are some very short inscriptions in stone  that hint at the importance of the gladiatorial events, but the bulk of the data that informs ideas of what remains are the amphitheatres of Britain themselves, and the objects that record the spectacles that people attended. The exhibition has brought together some very evocative pieces.  All the photos below are from the exhibition.

The exhibition does not attempt to analyse the  Chester amphitheatre and nor does it set out to answer the bigger questions about how gladiators were trained, where they came from, or how they were deployed.  What it does superbly well is demonstrate how the gladiatorial spectacle was captured both in massive architectural endeavour and in material remains preserved in the archaeological record.

The Colchester Vase

The Colchester Vase

The exhibition opens with some details about the amphitheatres in which gladiatorial confrontations took place.  Not only is there a video by Alexander Illci showing a reconstruction of Rome’s magnificent Colosseum, but there is a fabulous, splendidly detailed coin showing the amphitheatre in raised relief, dating from AD 80.  The exhibition then goes on to explore the world of gladiators via specially chosen objects that reflect the impact how amphitheatres and gladiators contributed to o Roman urban life, even far from the heartland of the Roman Empire.

The Colchester Vase, being perhaps the key object that inspired the exhibition, is worth taking time over when you visit.  Apart from the fact that it is superbly well crafted, a piece of real excellence, it tells more than one story, with each component moulded in high relief. To ensure that the vessel can be appreciated in its entirety, a mirror has been placed behind it, and the lighting highlights the relief figures very clearly.  It shows a gladiator versus another gladiator, a gladiator versus a beast, and beasts chasing beasts.

Gladiatorial Helmet from Hawkedon, Suffolk

Another key object in the exhibition is the helmet from Hawkedon in Suffolk, one of the most important objects to be found in connection with the history of gladiators in Britain. Unlike the Colchester Vase, or any of the other objects depicting gladiatorial action discussed below, this was design to participate in the action, worn to protect the gladiator and give him the best chance of survival.  The frontpiece is modern, added to give a complete impression of what the original item looked like.  Analysis of the metal suggests that it was made on the continent and hints that both it and perhaps its owenr may have travelled to Britain for participation in the amphtheatre.

Amongst many other discoveries during the excavations , the one that confirms that gladiatorial bouts undoubtedly took place in the Chester amphitheatre was a huge sandstone tethering stone, which tied animals and some human contestants alike to a central point to prevent them seeking refuge at the sidelines where they could not be viewed by the full circle of spectators (shown at the end of the post).  This somewhat daunting object is on display in the exhibition.  Although by far the crudest of the many lovely objects on view, it is the one that moves the exhibition from art-works to action, forcing the visitor to engage with the the very savage and bloody nature of the contests.  It is one thing to look at a pretty scene on a vase or stone; it is quite another to be confronted with the block that physically chained the victim to its unavoidable fate.

Second century pottery lamp from Italy in the Gladiators of Britain exhibition

Although the gladiators were the stars of the events, the members of the audience were just as important for the success and ambience of the amphitheatres, and many of the other objects in the exhibition reflect the sense of involvement and enjoyment that individuals took from amphitheatre events.  One item that clearly demonstrates this sense of involvement is  A coping stone, inscribed SERANO LOCUS (shown at the very end of this post), may have been part of the arena wall, perhaps marking the place (“locus”) of a spectator named Seranus.  Although the more remarkable of the items in the exhibition, such as the Colchester Vase, were probably specially commissioned, other items are far less prestigious.  The many oil lamps in the exhibition, showing scenes of gladiators in action, were probably purchased like souvenirs when peformances were taking place.  It is thought that traces of outer buildings and the remains of food items at Chester represent snack stalls, and it is entirely likely that souvenirs could also have been sold in the same vicinity, or after the event in marketplaces.

Altar dedicated to Nemesis by Sextius Marcianus, found in a shrine at the amphitheatre.

Also on display is the shrine to the goddess Nemesis, apparently retained in the second amphitheatre after being built for the first one, adds a religious dimension to proceedings, a feature known from other amphitheatres in the Empire as well.  Representing fate, Nemesis was appropriate to the prospective fortunes of both winner and loser.  Nemesis was particularly appropriate for a gladiatorial outlook, whether winner or loser, representing fate. It was dedicated by the centurion Sextius Marcianus who had it made after experiencing a vision.

There are a great many more objects in the exhibition.  Each has been well chosen to show different aspects of the gladiatorial experience, and each is well explained in the labelling.  A wide variety of materials are represented, including stone, metals, wood and pottery, and many are decorated with great imagination.  Some were component parts of the amphitheatres themselves.  Others were items used in the arena, whilst a wide range of items were designed for the home.  Most of these were the objects that people chose to commission or purchase, took into their homes and cared for, maintaining them in beautiful condition.  As the exhibition demostrates so clearly, when they were buried, broken or lost in transit, they became archaeological remnants, and in doing so became threads of several different lines of investigation that continue to feed into broader research about the Roman occupation of Britain.

As well as the objects themselves, the information labels and interpretation boards not only inform, but create an all-encompassing experience that helps visitors to get to grips with a fascinating if gory subject matter.  The interpretation boards are beautifully designed, giving the exhibition a good sense of coherence.  Fortunately there is no gore on show, so this is entirely child-friendly (with games and dress-up outfits available for children) and whilst the exhibition does not judge, it leaves visitors in little doubt that this was a form of entertainment that potentially had a life or death outcome, whether for human or animal.

The exhibition may be small but it makes a terrific impact, making superb use of the space available, and seeking at every turn to inform and involve.  The art work on the interpretation boards is attractive, and there is a lightness of touch to the whole presentation and the delicate artwork that manages to complement rather than overwhelm the exhibits and the themes.  It is really well done.  Don’t miss it!

With many thanks to the Grosvenor Museum’s Liz Montgomery for a really engaging guided tour of the exhibition.

The exhibition is free of charge to enter, and the museum opening times are shown on its website:  https://grosvenormuseum.westcheshiremuseums.co.uk/visit-us/. Do note, as shown above, that group tours are available on Mondays, and you can phone up to arrange them. The exhibition is on in Chester until January 25th 2026.

Enjoy!

For anyone wanting to gain an impression of what the Chester amphitheatre may have looked like, the following YouTube video by 3-D modeller Julian Baum in collaboration with archaeologist Tony Willmot may help to visualize the building:

 

Sources and further reading:

Books and Papers

Hunt cup from Colchester

Hunt cup from Colchester

Ainsworth, Stewart and Tony Wilmott 2005.  Chester Amphitheatre. From Gladiators to Gardens. Chester City Council and English Heritage

de la Bédoyère, Guy 2001. The Buildings of Roman Britain. Tempus

de la Bédoyère, Guy 2013. Roman Britain: A New History. Thames and Hudson

Carrington, Peter1994. Chester. B.T. Batsford / English Heritage

Fitzpatrick-Matthews, Keith 2001. Chester amphitheatre excavations in 2000. Chester City Council
https://www.academia.edu/4403653/Chester_amphitheatre_excavations_in_2000 (open access but requires free log-in)

Mason, David, J.P. 2001, 2007 (2nd edition). Roman Chester. City of Eagles. Tempus

Neubauer, Wolfgang; Christian Gugl, Markus Scholz, Geert Verhoeven, Immo Trinks, Klaus Löcker, Michael Doneus, Timothy Saey and Marc Van Meirvenne 2014. The Discovery of the School of Gladiators at Carnuntum, Austria. Antiquity. Antiquity. 2014, 88 (339), p173-190.  Published online 2nd January 2015
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/antiquity/article/discovery-of-the-school-of-gladiators-at-carnuntum-austria/4ACC29C5CC928A88A8A4F5ADC3E989CB

Salway, Peter 1984. Roman Britain. A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press

Thompson, F.H. 1976, The excavation of the Roman amphitheatre at Chester, Archaeologia 1976, 105, p.127–239

Wilmott, Tony; Dan Garner and Stewart Ainsworth. The Roman Amphitheatre at Chester: An Interim Account. English Heritage Historical Review, Volume 1, 2006, 7
https://moscow.sci-hub.st/4860/8932e6265dd8765296a9986ccfcd3dcd/wilmott2006.pdf

Wilmott, Tony and Dan Garner 2018. The Roman Amphitheatre of Chester. Volume 1, The Prehistoric and Roman Archaeology. Oxbow  (also available on Kindle, although not all of the tables are fully legible)

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Websites

artnet
A Roman-Era Vase, Once Considered a Cremation Vessel, Turns Out to Be an Early Form of Sports Memorabilia for a Gladiator Fan. April 13th 2023
https://news.artnet.com/art-world/colchester-vase-sports-memorabilia-2270088

Based in Churton 
Peter Carrington’s excellent guided walk of Roman Chester during the Festival of Ideas. Andie Byrnes, July 6th 2025
https://wp.me/pcZwQK-7OD

Colchester City Council
Historic Colchester Vase goes on tour with the British Museum. 19th November 2024
https://www.colchester.gov.uk/info/cbc-article/?id=KA-04817

Grosvenor Museum Chester
Gladiators of Britain exhibition 
https://events.westcheshiremuseums.co.uk/event/gladiators-of-britain/

Julian Baum, VXF Artist and Illustrator
Chester’s Roman Amphitheatre
https://jbt27.artstation.com/projects/bKDayr?album_id=332464

Beast fighting. Found in Ephesus (British Museum).

Beast fighting. Found in Ephesus, Turkey (British Museum).

Tethering stone, Chester amphitheatre

Tethering stone from Chester amphitheatre

The SERANO LOCUS coping stone

A very beautiful autumnal sunshine walk along the Wirral estuary from Burton to Parkgate

Bird of prey, Burton, Wirral

Beautiful feathers on a bird of prey at Burton, Wirral

Yesterday seemed, at first, to have been doomed from the start.  I was supposed to be driving to Aberdyfi in mid-Wales to do something specific, but 20 minutes from home, already running very late, realized that I had left two components essential to the task on the kitchen table.  Having returned home and collected the required items, I was leaving the house and went to take a quick snapshot in my garden of a squirrel running upside down along a power line and rapidly closing on an oblivious turtle dove, and found to my dismay that the camera couldn’t read the SD card. Nooooooo!  I knew I had a spare somewhere, but where?  Ridiculous to go to Aberdyfi on a sunny blue-skied day like this without a camera.  After half an hour of fruitless searching I picked up the phone and cancelled my visit.  Twenty minutes later I had found the wretched thing.  Instead of the planned expedition, I found myself grabbing the camera and car keys before heading up the Wirral to Burton to park up along the estuary and go for a very fine walk along part of the Wirral section of the King Charles III England Coast Path.  I hadn’t even got out of the car when I saw the above bird of prey, which politely held position whilst I scrambled out of the car.  A perfect way to turn around a very unpromising start to the day.

I have made a short visit to the estuary cycle track and walk in the past, simply to get a good look at the purported Iron Age promontory fort on Burton Point, but although it was enjoyable, it was a short stroll because the skies opened and I got drenched.  Today, with no risk of rain, I decided to walk from Burton towards Parkgate, which I guessed to be about an hour’s walk each way.  When I reached the “You are Here” board (with which the walk is dotted at key points) at Moorside, alongside Parkgate Spring and on the very edge of Parkgate, this was a full hour.

Parking is easy along the section of Station Road that lies along the estuary for the Burton to Moorside (near Parkgate) section of the "King Charles III England Coast Path"

Parking is easy along the section of Station Road that lies along the estuary for the Burton to Moorside (near Parkgate) section of the “King Charles III England Coast Path” (What3Words: ///glows.lung.headsets). Source: Google Maps

Parking for this particular walk is along the section of Station Road that runs along the side of the estuary, indicated by the red circle on the map.

The walk itself begins along the section of Denhall Lane that turns along the side of the estuary and passes a café, as indicated by the black arrow on the map.  Although vehicles are permitted as far as the café (just beyond the left edge of the map), they are banned beyond this point.

This first stretch of metalled lane is dominated by dog walkers and cyclists. Do keep an ear open for the cyclists as they can pick up a lot of speed along the lane and don’t always give a lot of notice of their impending arrival.  The path goes through various changes.  After some time it parts from the lane and becomes much more of a footpath with rough stone underfoot, which probably accounts for why the cyclists vanish from the scene at this point.  At one stage it becomes a track across a field, although there is a route around this in wet weather that diverts inland for a while.  The entire walk is well maintained with pedestrian gates and bridges where needed.  One field had horses in it, so do take care if you are walking dogs.

Scenically, the walk is always split between two different experiences to left and right.  The views across both wetlands and former wetlands to the Welsh foothills to the southwest are lovely on a sunny day, and you can keep an eye open for bird life.  On the other side of the path, immediately hugging its edges, there is an almost uninterrupted run of very fine hedgerows and trees.  At this time of year there is not a great deal to see on the estuary, although I was delighted to see lovely white egrets in a distant blue pool, as well as a couple of birds of prey hovering splendidly overhead. Most of the flowers in the estuary have gone over, but the autumnal leaves, berries, rose-hips and other fruits of the shrubs and hedges and the multiple colours of the changing leaves on trees along the paths were endless and superb, really gorgeous against a blue sky with the sun shining on them.

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Nearing Neston I spotted a line of vast red sandstone blocks extending out into the estuary vegetation, and a small spur of land also extends out at this point.  An information board explains that this is part of the Neston Colliery, Denhall Quay.  There is a particularly good book about the collieries, The Neston Collieries, 1759–1855: An Industrial Revolution in Rural Cheshire (Anthony Annakin-Smith, second edition), published by the University of Chester, which I read and enjoyed a few years ago.  The sandstone blocks are massive, and as well as retaining original metalwork, one of them has become a memorial stone, as has one of the trees on the small spur of land.  The line of sandstone, now a piece of industrial archaeology, is a very small hint of the extensive work that once took place here, but is an important one.  The author of the above-mentioned book refers to it in a short online page here, from which the following is taken:

There are still some signs today of the old mining operations. Most prominent is Denhall Quay, the remains of which still jut out into the Dee Estuary. This was built in 1791 and was used to ship coal to North Wales, Ireland and occasionally to foreign countries, as well as inland via newly-built canals.  Also, if you know where to look it is possible to trace the location of many of the shafts that were once in use, including one hidden behind a brick wall in Riverside Walk. Easier and arguably more rewarding to find is The Harp Inn! The building was standing in the mines’ earliest days and records show it was a public house for the miners no later than 1813 and probably much earlier. It has several photos on its walls from the mines’ later days.

 

This is the point that I turned around and walked back. The image immediately above the  map shows point where the Parkgate Spring emerges, very audible but  not actually visible.


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There are very few places to sit down along the walk, so I would recommend that if you need to rest your legs occasionally, you take your own portable seating.  Regarding refreshments, I have mentioned Net’s Café, near the Burton end.  I haven’t visited and apparently there’s no website, but it is just off Denhall Lane and it is listed on Trip Advisor here.  There is also a very good pub called The Harp, which I actually have visited, with outdoor tables immediately overlooking the wetlands towards the Welsh hills, just outside Little Neston.  The food being served there looked excellent, and I can give a solid thumbs-up for the cider.  The pub was particularly well situated for my return from Parkgate as the zoom lens on my camera, a particular beauty that has been worryingly on the twitch for weeks, suddenly stopped working and was now, just to ram home the overall message, rattling.  A glass of cider and a seat in the sun were perfect for jury-rigging the wretched thing so that the zoom now worked like an old-fashioned telescope and the camera’s autofocus, which was refusing point-blank to engage in conversation with the lens, could be operated manually on the lens itself.  Sigh.  New lens on order.

If you can do this walk in September when the berries are at their best, do take the opportunity, because it is stunning, particularly on a sunny day.  And all on the flat too, so entirely appropriate for unwilling legs.
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A guided walk to learn about the distinctive architectural creativity of John Douglas in Chester

John Douglas. A photograph that apparently first appeared in “Building News” in 1890. Source: Wikipedia

For those who are interested in local heritage, it is probably not possible to live in or near Chester without knowing the name of the architect John Douglas.  John Douglas (1830-1911) was a prolific architect, working right at the end of the Victorian era but demonstrating a fundamental affiliation with Victorian architectural ideals.  According to Chantal’s research, between the buildings he built and those that he renovated and adapted, he contributed to over 500 buildings in Britain.  Not much is known about him, but he trained in Lancashire where a new middle class, rising in both wealth and influence, was creating an unprecedented demand for domestic, commercial and civic architecture.  His are some of the most imaginative and and engaging of Chester’s Victorian buildings, providing the city with an important additional layer of interest and texture.  He was also responsible for other local buildings at Eaton Hall (including Eccleston), Aldford and Port Sunlight, as well as many other UK locations.  Although never bowing to the past in his architectural inventions, Douglas incorporated elements of Chester’s earlier architectural styles into his unique creations, remaining sensitive to the original city whilst leaving a highly distinctive and creative legacy of his own.

Grosvenor Park Street

Our guide on the Heritage Open Day walk was Chantal Bradburn, art historian and head of Outreach at the University of Chester, who had done such a splendid job several days previously, introducing a large group of us to the Western Command at the Churchill Building.  Called “John Douglas in Chester,” this was a brand new walk, and a great idea to add it to the many events offered last week.  Instead of taking us on a route-march of every building that Douglas built in Chester, Chantal selected a representative few, which both captured different aspects of his work and at the same time demonstrated an underlying thread between them all.  By choosing a careful sample of Douglas’s total Chester output, she was able to impart far more knowledge about both Douglas and the individual buildings than if she had tried to include more, although she did finish up the tour with recommendations for other buildings to inspect nearby.  As with her Churchill Building talk, and perhaps even more so, it is impossible to do any sort of justice to all the facts that she imparted, and particularly to do any justice at all to her ability to contextualise the architecture within its social and economic environment, as well as discussing it in art-historical terms, so this is just a short taster of a really great guided walk.

We started at the lodge in the Grosvenor Park, an obviously Victorian take on the Tudor half-timbered buildings that partly define Chester’s heritage, commissioned by the Grosvenor estate to provide a touch of additional elegance to the second Marquess of Westminster’s 1867 philanthropic donation of the land to create a park.

Grosvenor Park Lodge, Chester

Grosvenor Park Lodge

The Grosvenor Park Lodge by John Douglas

Grosvenor Park Lodge from the rear

Grosvenor Park Lodge from the rear

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Grosvenor Park Lodge

Detail of carved woodwork on the Grosvenor Park Lodge: “Nobilitatis virtus non stemma character”

With Ruabon brick at its base and half-timbering at first floor level, it features sculptural elements and carvings that provide it with real charm.  Douglas apparently thought it entirely appropriate to add a medieval-style sandstone extension to his building, which as Chantal pointed out, reflects the multi-period character of many of Chester’s buildings.

It became clear as we proceeded on the walk that this willingness to go with the flow of Chester architecture by echoing some of its variety and diversity, without ever trying to replicate it, was a key characteristic of Douglas’s approach. He always preferred local materials, and this too indicates a real wish to connect with Chester’s earlier architectural heritage.  It’s great to see it being used as a café, providing a useful service on the edge of the park.

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Our next stop was just over the road, on Grosvenor Park Street.  The 1872 Grade II* listed houses, numbers 6-11 on Grosvenor Park Street make up of a row of terraced houses and a Zion Chapel have long been a favourite of mine.  Together they are a fabulous, wildly imaginative mixture of different elements all of Ruabon red brick, including gothic style features, turrets, and a dozen other twiddly bits.  It is always wonderful to see how brick can be used to create elements that are more conventionally associated with stonework in this country.  Whether the mullioned windows, some with original leading, let in a lot of light I doubt, but they are wonderfully ornamental.  It was particularly interesting that Douglas built these houses on land that he owned, renting them out afterwards.  He did not skimp on materials or architectural design in order to make a bigger profit.  This set of buildings argues that he really cared about not only the quality of his own work, but about what he as an individual could contribute to Chester.FULL RUN HERE

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Perhaps one of his best known buildings in this part of extramural Chester is quite unlike either his lodge or his fantastic domestic extravaganza.  However, as Chantal pointed out, the Chester Public Baths are still in proportion, a good fit with the domestic buildings in this part of Chester in spite of its being a public leisure facility.  Chantal positioned the idea of swimming and the provision of a public baths in the social context of Victorian values and ideals, but made it clear that Douglas had put his own particular spin on the resulting building.  Both practical and decorative, it is a very fine example of a building that is at once distinctively Victorian but also takes admired aspects from Chester’s past.


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Further down Bath Street, I would not have guessed at first sight that the Grade II listed buildings on the right were another Douglas innovation, but the signs are there when you pause to look more closely, and particularly when you have Chantal’s expertise to provide detailed knowledge and insights.  Except for the building at the far south, nearest to the Baths, which is more typical of other Douglas buildings nearby, the main run of houses is built of buff sandstone, quite different in material, colour, and texture from other Douglas buildings and, for that matter, from anything else that I recall seeing in Chester.  It dates to 1903, quite late in Douglas’s life, and perhaps this accounts for some of the distinctive features discussed by Chantal.  There is an echo of the buildings on Grosvenor Park Street, but this has a much more monumental feeling to it and even with the decorative features and the short spires, seems less light-hearted and, in spite of the ornamental features, a little more monumental in feel.

 

If you follow the building all the way round the corner you will see that the houses link to a building built by Douglas to house Prudential Assurance.  It’s name today, Lombard House, reflects a later use by the eponymous bank.  To the left of the entrance, just around the corner, there is a charming female statue inset into a niche holding a snake and book.  This is Prudence, one of the four cardinal virtues (the others being Justice, Fortitude and Temperance), adopted by Prudential Assurance as their emblem in 1848 for her qualities of foresight, intelligence, thoughtfulness and knowledge.  Although more traditionally shown with a mirror representing self-awareness, a book is also part of her iconography, representing knowledge, wisdom and and good judgement.
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Our final stop for the day took in two architectural features, bringing us into the city within the walls – the wrought iron extravaganza that sits on top of the Georgian East Gate, with its splendid clock, and the former Grosvenor Club building immediately to its west.  These both speak of late Victorian Chester’s ambition and its delight in ornament and display, giving an unmistakeably Victorian sparkle to this part of the city.  Chantal gave us details about the clock that I hadn’t heard before concerning its construction, as well as an entertaining factoid about the date of construction, reminding me that it is very easy to become complacent about even such a dominant landmark.  I had known nothing about the Grosvenor Club (including its name and purpose) so this too was a learning curve.

The Grosvenor Club by John Douglas

The Grosvenor Club

Grosvenor Club and Eastgate St

The Grosvenor Club on the right with the rest of Eastgate Street taken from the top of the East Gate bridge, under the clock.

When the tour was over, and Chantal had pointed us at other Douglas buildings in the vicinity so that we could investigate further on our own, she was still surrounded by a group of people asking many questions, and this had been the trend of the entire walk, with tons of information being imparted and lots of questions following.  Keep an eye open for this walk being offered in the future.  It’s a good one!

The nearby Parker’s Buildings

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Grosvenor Park Lodge

Grosvenor Park Lodge detail

Thinking about John Douglas and his work over the following few days, and looking up other examples of his work, his buildings generally aim to provide an attractive environment of well-being, based on the idea that past and present reinforce one another in a very comfortable and attractive way.  Although many of the John Douglas buildings were impressive, and some of them were intended to be imposing, others were homes along streets that made use of vernacular features both from Chester, with inspiration taken from European cities, and from the medieval period onwards.  His preference for local materials is clearly demonstrated, and his love of decorative features is a real celebration of life.  He took a modern approach to architecture, incorporating traditional styles into his new interpretive schemes, as well as Germanic and French ideas that gave his work a rather more cosmopolitan edge than other architecture in the city, and in doing so added real value to Chester.  The best of the Victorian architecture of Chester simply oozes a sense of excitement and self-confidence about their lived present and their anticipated future, and John Douglas reflects this unfurling era with real exuberance.   His contributions to places like wealthy Eccleston and Aldford are also attractive, but perhaps Douglas is at his most appealing when contributing to Port Sunlight, the village built in the late 1880s by Lord Lever for his factory workers, contributing his skills with around 30 other architects, to create a very different type of community.  It must have been a real pleasure to live in one of his remarkable houses.  It is very nice to see that the ones that I have found to date seem to be very well maintained.  It is only a shame that subsequent architectural projects in Chester have only occasionally managed to live up to both his high standards and his creativity.

 

 

 

“Cheshire’s Archives: A Story Shared.” Great to learn about the new Cheshire Archives, opening next year

The Cheshire Archives building in Chester. Source: Cheshire Archives: A Story Shared

On Wednesday 17th September, as part of Heritage Open Day, Paul Newman from the Cheshire Archives and Tim Brown from the architectural firm Ellis Williams, explained to a well-attended audience at the Grosvenor Museum how the new archive project had been rolled out and what we can expect next year when the new Chester building opens.  I am dying to get my hands on the Cheshire Lunatic Asylum records that they hold, having already written a long screed about the asylum between 1854 and 1870 (across four posts here), so I was attending the event with a real sense of anticipation.

The Cheshire Archives, which since 1986 have been located in Duke St in Chester, closed in 2022, having won a Lottery grant to build two brand new buildings.  The former Duke Street premises of the Archives were in a set of lovely Victorian buildings, which were once warehouses of the legendary Browns Department Store, but the Archives were beginning to outgrow them.  The archive collections go back to the mid 12th century, and continue to be added today, representing different aspects of community life, working and domestic, at different periods.  As its role became more important, the Archive outgrew the building, with boxes that would reach 8km if laid end to end, and it had a number of environmental issues as well as providing less than ideal facilities for both staff and researchers.  Targets to reach a larger and more diverse audience were difficult, and it became clear that a move was the only realistic solution.

The new Crewe Cheshire Archives building. Source: Cheshire’s Archive: A Story Shared

An initial investment of National Lottery money to explore the project in 2020 was successful, and a full National Lottery Fund grant was subsequently allocated, with work began in earnest in 2022.  The locations in Crewe and Chester will spread the collection between east and west sides of Cheshire to provide accessible storage for the archive collections in conditions that are much more favourable. Outreach programmes will be more viable, reaching a much wider audience of different ages and backgrounds. Digital access will be much improved, with new ways to access local collections and historical data, including a postcode search and community-selected highlights referred to as “Gems.”  At the same time, the salt mines in Winsford will continue to store other records, which are available to order to either location with a one-week turnaround.  A permanent exhibition will be set up, and exhibition spaces will eventually be available for those using the archives.  The new offices will open in 2026, and the project will continue as a measuring and monitoring exercise into 2027.

Location of the site on Lightfoot Street. Source: Cheshire West and Chester

The architectural firm Ellis Williams, who had undertaken the ambitious and successful conversion of Chester’s Story House, was appointed to develop both of the new buildings.  Interestingly, although they have many of the same internal features, their appearance is very dissimilar.  Both have very modern appearances, but each has been adapted to its own immediate neighbourhood.  Initial design ideas were more radical, but certainly in the Chester case the emphasis soon shifted towards meeting planning requirements for some degree of continuity between the proposed new building and the surrounding architectural context and local character. Documents detailing some of the plans can be found here: https://www.cheshirestoryshared.org/home/the-plan

The new archive building in Chester will be located on the mainly residential Lightfoot Street, which runs along the railway line behind the Chester railway station.  This has created some challenges in terms of accessibility, and the Council were unwilling to sell the entire site, so parking is confined to 35 spaces.

A low wall with indented panels on Chester Lightfoot Street, which separates the archive site from the road. Source: Google Maps.

The site is divided from the road by a low wall with indented sections, and it was a planning requirement that this should be preserved.  The idea here is to knock through some of the indented panels, whilst leaving others in tact, replacing those that are to be knocked through with wrought iron artwork, so that the Archive site is visible through the panels, creating a linkage between both sides of the wall.  There is a slight slope of around 2.5m downhill from the road level, which requires stairs and slopes to enable ease of access.  Parking will include spaces for school coaches and there will be a loading bay at the rear.  The shape of the building itself will echo the twin-gabled shape of railway sheds and platform roofs, but is super-modern in design, and it will feature an “active frontage,” a term that refers to the integration of the building with the street onto which it faces.  Work began in 2017.

Inside, the two-storey Chester building will be split between a public-facing space on the ground floor and a more staff-orientated space on the first floor.  It will total 3000 sq ft (c.270 sq m).  The ground floor foyer, which although north-facing should be light-filled, will be an exhibition space, and will include a theatre area with movable walls, lighting and seating, to ensure maximum flexibility.  A help desk will be located at the rear.  The research rooms will have desks for research, with a total of six computers available at any one time (most people apparently bring their own kit) and there will also be a chill-out area.  The first floor will include, with archive storage in rolling racks, offices and meeting rooms.  Energy considerations have been factored in, making best possible use of the available technologies, and various levels of security and fire-safety measures are part of the overall plans.

The foundations have been established and work is underway on the lower level brickwork, whilst a steel frame and roof have also been erected.  Archaeologists from Oxford Archaeology had been given time to carry out an assessment, but found very little of interest beyond sundry 19th century railway features.  The resulting report can be found here.

The archives will probably be open for a 5-day week.  I should have asked whether this was Monday to Friday, or whether a weekend day would also be included, but it did not occur to me at the time.  I am really looking forward to visiting the new Cheshire Archives building when it opens in late summer 2026, and experimenting with some of their upcoming digital services.  In the meantime there is a website showcasing some of the Archive’s activities at Cheshire’s Archives: A Story Shared.

Thanks very much to Paul Newman and Tim Brown for not only delivering a terrifically informative presentation but for answering the numerous audience questions.

 

A revealing talk and guided tour: The Churchill Building and the Western Command 1937 – Today

The Churchill Building portico dates from 1997, but the original Neo-Georgian military Western Command building can be seen behind it.

The portico dates from 1997, but the original Neo-Georgian military Western Command building can be seen behind it.

With many thanks to Chantal Bradburn for an excellent lecture in the Churchill Building in the University of Chester’s Queen’s Campus.   Chantal is the University’s Outreach representative, with a strong background in art history and a particular interest in architecture in its social context.  Her talk, entitled “Western Command (Churchill Building),” covered the design and original purpose of the building as the headquarters of the Western Command, including the fascinating underground bunkers, and the building’s subsequent phases of use.  The presentation and the subsequent walk around the building’s exterior brought the Western Command to life.  Chantal’s ability to convey an impression of the building as it was in military times, based partly on her research and partly on feedback from people who have attended the talk or contacted her over the years, was of critical importance, because the interior had been completely re-envisioned in grandiose style by the subsequent bank, and converted once again in more pragmatic terms into the University of Chester’s Business School.  Only the exterior retains the essential character of the Western Command building.

The eastern wing of the Western Command (Churchill Building) gives a good impression of how the building appeared when it was first built

The eastern wing of the Western Command (Churchill Building) gives a good impression of how the building appeared when it was first built

The building, then known as Capital House, was completed in around 1938, almost certainly in response to the threat of war.  Neo-Georgian is not my favourite of the various architectural experiments in Chester.  I have grumbled on and off about the Wheeler Building on the blog for years, and there are a number of more modest buildings dotting the streets of the historic city whose architects seem to believe that slapping some symmetrical rectangular windows into plain blocks of undifferentiated brickwork will do the trick nicely, completely missing the point of refined elegance and delicate embellishments that characterized Georgian harmonies.  On the other hand, as Chantal pointed out, at least in the case of the Churchill Building there are good reasons for this style, which is better than most of its siblings, relating not merely to the practicalities of budget constraints for such a large building.

The eastern entrance to the Churchill Building with subtle nods to Art Deco 

The eastern entrance to the Churchill Building with subtle nods to Art Deco

The importance of establishing a dignified military presence referenced the power and prestige of the city’s Georgian predecessors, which were themselves influenced by Classical architecture, whilst some low-key features nod to both the medieval military past and, in an even more subtle way, other contemporary styles.  I would not have noticed these had Chantal not pointed them out.  Although the subsequent Northwest Securities bank slapped a gigantic Classical-style portico on the front, the original building consisted of flat-roofed blocks that provided an impressive frontage, which relies for its impact on the size of its footprint rather than the height of its two-storey walls.  Chantal pointed out that the position of the building was strategically very fine, with its views over the river and the city beyond, only matched in its vantage points by the site chosen for the castle.

As the northwest HQ for intelligence on what was quite literally Britain’s western front during the war, the personnel serving in the Western Command building had a critical role not only leading up to and during the war, but for a surprising amount of time after it.  Chantal told us a great many stories about the role of the building and the people who worked there, highlighting the complexities that different levels of security caused for both employees and contractors, and emphasizing the degree of secrecy that was associated with the activities that took place within the Churchill Building.

Bunkers excavated into the sandstone at the Churchill Building. Source: 28DaysLater

To the east of the building, up-river, the remarkable and extensive underground bunkers were built to provide shelter and a command centre should it become necessary, both during and after the Second World War.  They extend from the level of the building down towards the river.  It is reputed that Churchill, who is known to have visited the building, may have met there with President Dwight D. Eisenhower and General Charles de Gaulle.  No documentation supports this view, but there are apparently anecdotal accounts that support the possibility.  The bunkers are now too dangerous to visit (see a photograph of a point of collapse on the 28DaysLater website).  The sandstone through which former miners in the army excavated to create the bunkers is sponge-like, attracting damp that is not helping with the stability of the underground structures.  Chantal showed photographs and explained past survey work and future plans (dependent as always on funding).

The building passed to the Royal Army Pay Corps in 1972, and from 1972 it was taken over as offices for a banking corporation.  The presentation took place in a huge room with an enormous table, all very glossy and highly polished, and heavily influence by Art Deco designs.  This was part of the bank’s improbable legacy.  It is quite staggering how the bank took over a military building and turned it into an extrovert and financially corrosive expression of self-indulgent excess.  Where these details have survived, the legacy is huge fun, but quite mad.  The bank’s vast portico, converting the Neo-Georgian blocks into a pseudo Classical temple, is equally pretentious. I am very fond of the University, having had a great time doing some post-graduate research there a couple of years back, but it really does seem to have saddled itself with buildings that for all their scale and practicality are amongst the least aesthetically charming of the various Cestrian styles.  In their favour, the University does make the most of them.

The opening of the Churchill Building by John Spencer Churchill (centre in grey suit), when it became part of the University of Chester in October 2015. Source: Cheshire Live

It is interesting to note that in the case of both military base and commercial bank, the building was off-limits to the public, not only physically but visually.  The arrangement of buildings at the time meant that the view through the gates, then in a different position, blocked any view of the heart of the complex.  It has been particularly interesting for local people who have lived in the area for a number of decades to have access to the building at last, and to be able to see what was so long hidden from view, perhaps particularly when family members and friends worked there.

The building had been out of use for a decade when the University took it over in 2015 to make it the centre for their Business School, with most of the building adapted to this task with the usual collection of teaching, research and computer rooms, areas for socializing and a café.  Wisely, the decision was made to preserve some of the more elaborate flourishes of the bank’s idea of good taste, and there are some distinctly New York style decorative features in the foyer.  More to the point, the building’s foundation stone and its frame, appropriately made of carved stone rather than the less expensive brick, has been preserved and is now installed above the reception desk as a very welcome piece of the building’s material heritage.  The exterior, now sporting a leaded dormer roof, still retains the essence of its stern and uncompromising military purpose, but its survival first as a bank and then as a major component of a university campus is a testimony to its durability.

It is impossible to do justice to Chantal’s talk, which was stuffed full of information.  Chantal does these talks quite frequently, and I do recommend that you keep an eye open for her next ones, because she provides a vivid insight into a world that is not normally associated with Chester, and which was clearly a very important part of the city’s social and economic profile from the 1930s onwards.  More than any other talk that I have attended since moving to the area, this is the one that surprised me most, and left me with a new set of insights into Chester’s less publicized wartime and post-war history.  Splendid.

North-facing aspect of the Churchill Building

Open Day of the CRAG excavations at Bryneglwys, Llantysilio Mountain

Many thanks to the Clwydian Range Archaeology Group (CRAG) for organizing an Open Day to the Bryneglwys excavations on 9th August 2025, and to Dr Ian Brooks of Engineering Archaeological Services (EAS), who is consulting for CRAG, for an excellent guided tour of the Bryneglwys archaeological site.  The volunteer excavators, all CRAG members, were remarkably tolerant of us peering into their trenches as they worked.  Thanks are due too to Dr Pauline Clarke for arranging for Chester Archaeological Society members to visit.  The site is on private land, so visits are by invitation only, and it was a great opportunity to get a feel not only for the pioneering nature of the excavations, but also for the way in which that particular landscape has been used over long periods of time.  I attended with another CAS member, Helen Anderson, and we both enjoyed it enormously.

The site sits on the west-facing lower slopes of the Llantysilio mountain near Bryneglwys, with views both across the valley and down the valley towards the southwest.  Unlike the Clwydian range, which runs broadly north to south, with a tilt towards the east, the main line of the Llantysilio mountain runs roughly northeast to southwest, with the valley of Afon Morwynion along its western edge, crossing below the end of the Clwydian Range. It is now followed by the A5104 from Llandegla to Corwen, with the A494 picking up the route of the River Dee, and following it to Bala and Lake Tegid, and beyond into midwest Wales.  This has almost certainly been an important route connecting northern and middle parts of Wales with the English northwest at least since the end of the last Ice Age, with Iron Age hillforts standing prominent guard over much of the route.

The undulating Llantisylio mountain rising above the village and site of Bryneglwys, its ridge marked by a prominent modern trackway

Research goals

When it was established, the remit of the Bryneglwys project was partly to investigate potential sites identified by the landowner, a keen supporter of the excavations.  It was thought that at least one of the sites might be an early-mid Bronze Age cairn.  As sites from the period are an important aspect of  northeast Wales, and there are very few known from the Llantysilio mountain, this was an opportunity to improve knowledge on the subject and extend an understanding of how these sites were distributed both locally and in northeast Wales.  Given the relative proximity of two Iron Age hillforts.  Given the proximity of an Iron Age hillfort, it was not out of the question that Iron Age data might be recovered.

View to the west of the lower Bryneglwys excavation area

The medieval history of the area was also taken into account.  Bryneglwys village is first mentioned by name in documents in 1284.  Its church, which dates to the late 15th or early 16th century, contains a 14th century slab.  Not far away, just outside Llangollen are the ruins of the 1201 the Cistercian abbey of Valle Crucis, established in 1201 and forced to close in 1537, which may have owned farm property in this location.  The economic activities of Valle Crucis Cistercian monastery near Llangollen are not well documented and any archaeological evidence contributing information would obviously be useful.  The Clwyd and Powys Archaeological Trust (CPAT) report on the subject of granges in northeast Wales collated the information available, but is far from definitive on the subject, and it would be very useful to know if a grange had indeed been established in the Bryneglwys area.

Finally, as usual in rural landscape investigations, seeing what else turned up in the process, including far more recent use of the landscape, was very much part of project scope and has produced some interesting results about changes agricultural land use and the challenges of dealing with drought conditions.
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Survey and excavations

Initial surveys

The Bryneglwys project has produced some revealing results touching on some if not all of these areas of interest.  The initial investigation focused on non-invasive topographical and geophysical surveys, the combination of which determined where the initial excavations should take place.  The topographical investigations located areas where potential archaeological and historical features are visible to the eye, including field boundaries, trackways, a natural spring uphill from the known archaeological features, and evidence of ridge-and-furrow agriculture.  The online resource Archwilio was employed to supplement ground-level observations by providing a birds-eye view of the location.  The geophysical surveys, allowing the team to assess what might lie beneath the surface level, identified features that seemed non-natural and might be man-made.  The excavations have been following up on some of these initial investigations.

Like the Clwydian Range, the Llantisylio mountain has a ridge that is now covered in moorland scrub, although the remains ridge and furrow ploughing show that it was cultivated during the Middle Ages.  The lower slopes at Bryneglwys, having been cultivated and/or grazed for centuries, are largely fee of moorland scrub.  The geological bedrock over which all the Bryneglwys excavations are located is composed of the same cleaved Silurian siltstones that I mentioned on my Dinas Bran post, and look horrendous to excavate.  The current excavations have been taking place either side of a boundary marked by a low turfed stone wall topped with shrubs dating from at least 1740, fields that are now used for herding sheep, although they were ploughed in the past.  Although there were findings of a few Mesolithic tools, which are often found in the area, the main discoveries were far more substantial.

Bronze Age ring cairn and associated finds

Bryneglwys composite photographs of the ring cairn, excavated over two seasons. Source: Clwydian Range Archaeology Group

On the upper side of the boundary wall, the furthest away from the valley floor, the most exciting find to date has been the discovery of a Bronze Age ring cairn, the diameter of which was around 7m.  All four quadrants were excavated over two seasons,

It is thought that the monument probably started life as a small stone circle with upright stones, some modified, and that the structure was later adapted into a banked ring into which the cremated bones and artefacts were deposited on a clay base before being topped with a low cairn.  There were four other deposits of cremated bone and charcoal.  The repeated use of cairns is a normal for the period, indicating the importance of these sites from one generation to the next.

The cremated human remains were found together with some pieces of pottery.  One of these was a large but very poorly fired piece around 120mm in diameter, found upright in the ground just outside the main ring of boulders.  The rim was missing, probably due to plough activity.

Pottery vessel as it was found at the ring cairn, Bryneglwys. Source: Clwydian Range Archaeology Group

 

Although this poorly fired vessel with the rim missing does not look particularly exceptional today, it must have been an important contribution to the ring cairn

 

There were also around 40 sherds of other pottery in the cairn accompanying the cremated remains, some with attractive cord-impressed designs that were perhaps intended emulate basketry.

 

Pottery sherds from Bryneglwys ring cairn. Source: Clwydian Range Archaeology Group

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One of the cremations was deposited in a circle of stones, which was deposited with a quartz crystal and one of two flint arrowheads found at the site.  There were a number of tools made on flint and chert, including two barbed and tanged arrowheads, thumbnail scrapers and a small knife blade.  The flint was very fine and may have been imported.  Tools made on chert were also found.  As well as those in the ring cairn itself, there was also a flint scatter which is at present focused around the ring cairn.   The amount of flint has been unusual for the area, and is of particular interest.
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Remarkably, over 150 pieces of quartz were found in and around the circle, and include a range of different forms and types.

 

A sample of some of the quarts items found in the ring cairn. Source: Clwydian Range Archaeology Group

There were also a large number of other more general-purpose but important tools  like hammer stones and shale disk-shaped items, the function of which is uncertain but look rather like lids.  Most of the finds from the site are currently on show at a temporary exhibition in the Llangollen Museum but some were on display on a table in the field serving as a car park, together with photographs of those on loan to the exhibition.

The volume of finds in the site has clearly been both rewarding and very informative, providing new insights into the funerary and ceremonial tradition in the area.   The site has now been refilled.

Standing on the refilled excavation of the ring cairn, looking towards the southwest

As ring cairns are rarely found in isolation, the team immediately went looking for similar sites, and a little to the south opened a sample trench, which has unearthed the foundations of another circular cairn which needs to be fully excavated in order to reveal more details.

Lines of sight are an important element of landscape archaeology.  Because so little is known about what, if any, contemporary sites may have been located in the vicinity, this cannot yet be achieved.  Another reason for its position, however, may have been the views from across the valley to the west and down the valley towards Rhug, with distant hilltops figuring as prominent markers not only as landmarks in their own right but also as markers of important routes below that ultimately lead to northwest and midwest Wales, including the Cadair Idris and Snowdonia areas respectively.  The later hillforts, dating to the late Bronze Age and Iron Age that adorn some of these hilltops are indications of the importance of these routes and of the need to protect resources.

The horseshoe feature

The horse-shoe shaped feature, with boulders along one of the banks. Excavated but not yet understood, radiocarbon dates should at least help to establish when it was constructed

Another site that was excavated and has now been refilled was a horse-shoe shaped feature defined by a bank with what looked like an entrance interrupting it on its western side.  Apart from a small group of stones, a large one of which seems to have a cup mark, and some evidence of burning on the flat floor of the feature, this nearly sterile. Sufficient burnt debris has survived to be sent for radiocarbon dating.  Photographs of the cup-marked surface have been sent to an expert on the subject and it seems probable that this is indeed an example of a form of stone marking common to upland areas during the Bronze Age.

The horse-shoe shaped site produced what is probably a cup-marked stone. Source: CRAG Facebook page

The other excavated areas

In the final days of this year’s work, during which further geophysical survey has been carried out, three excavated areas were opened on the basis of previous geophysical survey results, and were being worked on by volunteers during our visit.  At the moment it is not at all clear what the features uncovered represent, and nor is it known when they may date to.  A piece of medieval pottery from one of the trenches is not particularly informative.

Although it would be very nice if some information about land management during prehistoric and medieval periods became available, this is clearly some way off at the moment, but by no means out of the scope of the project should it gain future funding.
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General Context

There is no mention of the Llantysilio mountain in my fairly thorough collection of books about prehistoric Wales, and looking at the Ordnance Survey map, there are only two archaeological sites marked in the vicinity, both Iron Age hillforts.  One of these is Moel y Gaer, about 2km as the crow flies, but uphill all the way, roughly east from Bryneglwys village (not to be confused with either of the two of the same name on the Clwydian Range).  The other is Caer Drewyn (about which I have posted here) and is around 7km to the southwest.  The usually helpful Megalithic Portal had nothing else to add.  Archwilio is somewhat more informative, but makes it clear that this is still an area that is surprisingly short on recorded prehistoric data when compared with, for example, the Clwydian Range or the nearby Eglwyseg mountain.  Further information is provided by Heneb, which comments that there are “Bronze Age hilltop burial monuments on Moel y Gamelin and Gribin Oernant” (on their Llantysilio Mountain HLCA 1142 page).

The Archwilio website shows possible sites (unexcavated) in the Bryneglwys area, as well as the Iron Age hillfort Moel y Gaer (not to be confused with those of the same name on the Clywdian Range)

This emphasis on the survival of cairns and ceremonial sites in the archaeological record is typical.  Settlement data is very thin on the ground anywhere in Britain, because having been built in perishable materials, they have decayed into the ground.  Archaeological data is therefore skewed towards funerary sites, which probably also double as statements of identity and territorial affiliation.  Ceremonial sites are known throughout Wales, although in northeast Wales these are rarely found.  The function of henges (banked and ditched enclosures, with ditches on the inside) and stone or timber circles seems, in northeast Wales, to have been either irrelevant or was incorporated into cairn designs, like ring cairns, that combined funerary and ceremonial functions.

Distribution of round barrows and cairns in Wales after c.2100BC – c.1600BC. Source: Burrow 2011, p.106

Looking in general terms at the early to mid Bronze Age of northeast Wales, beginning a little before 2100BC and lasting to around 1600BC, there are plenty of round cairns on the Clwydian range, the Eglwyseg range, and Ruabon mountain, apparently coinciding with improvement in climatic conditions.  Writing in 2004 Steve Burrows noted that a survey by Cadw had identified 17 cairns on the Clwydian Range alone; and more have been identified since then.  These are just a small sample of the 1000s that have been found throughout Wales as a whole.  It is interesting to note that most of these are on, rather than above, worked land.  Although most of those remaining are on uplands, the presence of lowland and valley bottom locations indicates that even though many of those on land attractive to more recent farmers may have been ploughed out, they were certainly there.  On the least attractive land for cultivation, pastoral herding was probably favoured, requiring smaller groups and greater mobility for at least part of the year.

Most of the remains interred in cairns are cremated, and represent a tiny proportion of the population, indicating that communities were singling out particular individuals for burial.  Where sufficient bone has been preserved amongst the cremated remains, it has been determined that these may be adults, children or infants, male and female.  The presence of children may or may not suggest that a sense of family lineage was involved.  Unfortunately DNA testing techniques are problematic and so far no familial connections have been proved within Bronze Age cairns in Britain.

Barbed and tangled arrowhead from the Bryneglwys ringcairn. Source: Clwydian Range Archaeology Group

Grave goods accompanied many, but not all of the interments.  The Bryneglwys ring cairn burials were accompanied, probably added at different times, with pottery and flint tools and flakes, but some sites have produced no objects, whilst others contained more elaborate items.  The single most famous example of a grave object dominating the narrative is the Mold Cape (about which I have posted previously here) but less remarkable sites include some well preserved pottery, quantities of well-crafted stone tools and some objects made of copper and bronze.  Flint tools may seem more mundane, but many were beautifully crafted and, in the case of flint, the material itself may have had a certain amount of status.  Some raw flint can be found on beaches and in glacial deposits, it is only rarely of high quality, suggesting that where fine flint is found, like the Bryneglwys flint used for tool manufacture, it could have been imported.

In terms of landscape use in northeast Wales the proliferation of cairns suggests there was a requirement for display of belief and ideology, and perhaps identity or territoriality, in the positioning of highly visible funerary monuments in land that could also be employed for either crop growing or pastoral herding.  Although the western valley, slopes and heights of the Llantysilio mountain have not revealed much information about land use in the Bronze Age, the Bryneglwys excavations are beginning to add to this wider regional  knowledge base of information.


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Final Comments

The mapped Llantysilio site data suggest that although the current Bryneglwys excavations by CRAG are not in completely virgin territory, there are considerable gaps in knowledge and the work is  pioneering in terms of starting to do a professional job of opening up the landscape archaeology of the Llantysilio mountain area.  There’s real knowledge buried in them there hills.

For those interested in exploring further, the Bryneglwys excavations are being carried out on private land, but to get a sense of the landscape there is a track across the Llantysilion mountain, taking in Moel y Gaer hillfort and offering wide views of the surrounding hills and valleys, which can be approached from the Horseshoe Pass.  Bryneglwys itself is bisected by the Welsh Cistercian Way, a modern creation, but an interesting one that focuses on monastic sites in Wales and is featured by the British Pilgrimage Trust.  The site is also located just south of the line of the 122 mile (196km) Clwydian Way, a long-distance walking trail that was established by members of the Ramblers’ Association as a Millennium Project in 2000.  Website links below.

Thanks again to the team for a great visit.
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Sources

The guided tour by Dr Ian Brooks (Engineering Archaeological Services on behalf of CRAG) on 9th August 2025 was the primary source of information about the excavations, with particular thanks to Dr Brooks for taking time out of his busy life to go over my first draft and suggest corrections, and for forwarding CRAG suggestions regarding my account of the ring cairn excavation.  Much appreciated!

The Ordnance Survey map for this area is the Explorer 256, Wrexham and Llangollen


Books and papers

Brown, Ian. 2004. Discovering a Welsh Landscape.  Archaeology in the Clwydian Range. Windgather Press

Burrow, Steve. 2011.  Shadowland. Wales 3000-1500BC. Oxbow / National Museum of Wales

Jenkins, David A. 1991.  The Environment: Past and Present. In (eds.) John Manley, Stephen Grenter and Fiona Gale. The Archaeology of Clwyd. Clwyd County Council

Jones, Glanville 1991. Medieval Settlement. In (eds.) John Manley, Stephen Grenter and Fiona Gale. The Archaeology of Clwyd. Clwyd County Council

Lynch, Frances, 2000. The Later Neolithic and Earlier Bronze Age.  In (eds.) Frances Lynch, Stephen Aldhouse-Green and Jeffrey L. Davies.  Sutton, p.79-138.

Pratt, D., 2011. Valle Crucis abbey: lands and charters. Transactions of the Denbighshire Historical Society 59, p.9-55

Williams, D.H., 1990. Atlas of Cistercian Lands.  University of Wales Press
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Websites

(in order of usefulness for this topic)

Clwydian Range Archaeology Group
Website
https://cragnorthwales.wordpress.com/
Facebook page
https://www.facebook.com/CRAGNorthWales

CBA Newsletters
No. 64. Autumn 2022:
Excavation of a Ring Cairn at Bryneglwys, Denbighshire From CBA Wales 
https://cragnorthwales.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/newsletter-report-in-publisher.pdf
No. 66. Autumn 2023:
Excavation of a Ring Cairn at Bryneglwys, Denbighshire (Part 2) by The Clwydian Range Archaeology Group (CRAG), p.13-15
https://cragnorthwales.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/20231017-cba-wales-newsletter-66-autumn-2023.pdf

Clwydian Range and Dee Valley
The Dee Valley
https://www.clwydianrangeanddeevalleyaonb.org.uk/projects/the-dee-valley/

Archwilio
Denbighshire (search under “Bryneglwys” to centre in on the area)
https://archwilio.org.uk/her/chi3/arch.php?county=Denbighshire&lang=eng

Clwyd and Powys Archaeological Trust (CPAT)
CPAT Report No. 1340. The Monastic Granges of East Wales. A Scheduling Enhancement Project. By R.J. Silvester and R. Hankinson, March 2015
https://coflein.gov.uk/media/241/979/652240.pdf
Historic Settlements in Denbighshire. CPAT Report no.1257
. By R.J. Silvester, C.H.R. Martin and S.E. Watson, March 2014, p.14-15
https://coflein.gov.uk/media/287/517/652224.pdf

Coflein
Moel y Gaer hillfort, Llantysilio mountain
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/306813/

Heneb
Llantysilio Mountain, Brynegleys, Corwen and Llantysilio Communities, Denbighshire (HLCA 1142)
https://heneb.org.uk/hcla/vale-of-llangollen-and-eglwyseg/llantysilio-mountain-brynegleys-corwen-and-llantysilio-communities-denbighshire-hlca-1142/
Llantysilio Mountain and Moel y Gaer Hillfort
(walk and background history)
https://heneb.org.uk/archive/cpat/walks/moelygaer.pdf

Megalithic Portal
Moel y Gaer, Llantysilio
https://www.megalithic.co.uk/article.php?sid=14086

Based In Churton
Who was Brymbo Man, what was the Mold Cape and why do they matter? (3-part series)
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/2023/03/18/part-1-who-was-brymbo-man-what-was-the-mold-cape-and-why-do-they-matter/
Caer Drewyn, Corwen
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/2023/09/11/sunshine-and-great-views-at-caer-drewyn-iron-age-hillfort-at-corwen/
Valle Crucis Cistercian Abbey
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/2021/11/23/monastic-northeast-wales-and-west-cheshire-2-valle-crucis/

The British Pilgrimage Trust
The Welsh Cistercian Way
British Pilgrimage Trust
https://www.britishpilgrimage.org/portfolio/welsh-cistercian-way
The Welsh Cistercian Way on Google
https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?mid=1nDf0d1rqf5P5uWJDDYvg2i8L8Lo&hl=en&femb=1&ll=53.02208569877805%2C-3.2900072936767533&z=15

The Clwydian Way
This area lies in section 9, but note that to follow the trail requires a paid subscription to the Ordnance Survey online.
https://www.clwydianway.co.uk/

Engineering Archaeological Services Ltd
http://eas-archaeology.co.uk/

The site of the ring cairn, refilled after the excavation

Thanks to Helen Anderson for this photograph of the 11am Open Day group standing by the ring cairn and the scene towards the southwest in the distance (copyright Helen Anderson)

Plas Newydd, Llangollen #4: The Gorsedd Stone Circle for the Eisteddfod of 1907-8

Introduction

Plas Newydd and the Gorsedd Circle seen from a high vantage point. Source: RCAHMW

In the garden at Plas Newydd in Llangollen a 60ft (18.3m) diameter stone circle with a large stone at its centre is partially overlooked by some rather nice topiary.  It is probably no surprise that the stone circle is not prehistoric, because it would be infinitely better known if it was, and a real tourist attraction in its own right.  It was built in 1907 to host the Proclamation ceremony that preceded the 1908 National Eisteddfod.  During the 1908 Eisteddfod it had a specific ceremonial function. The circles used during the eisteddfodau (plural of eisteddfod) are known as cerrig yr orsedd (stones of the throne or Gorsedd circle), which refers to the Gorsedd ceremonies that take place within the circle, and which are explained below.  When Mr George Robertson, who owned Plas Newydd in 1908, agreed to host the Gorsedd circle and decided to make it a permanent addition, he added a new aspect to Plas Newydd both at the time and for perpetuity.  Brand new at the time of its creation, and part of a tradition that had only been established in 1819, it has now become a piece of heritage in its own right.

This post looks at what a Gorsedd stone circle represents and how its particular character contributes to the eisteddfod tradition, and then describes how the Plas Newydd circle was assembled and used and what it means today.

I did the background reading for this piece as much for myself as for readers, because I had only the fuzziest view of what an eisteddfod might be, how it related to the national and, on the other hand, the international events, and what on earth a Gorsedd might be.  It turns out that this takes rather a long time.  I have tried to tackle the terms and their histories succinctly but clearly below.  All sources are listed at the end.  If you would prefer a PDF version without images (except for two that are necessary to show the layout of the circle) please get in touch.

Throughout the post I have used eisteddfod with a small “e” to refer to local and provincial events, and with a capital “E” to refer to the National Eisteddfodau.

You can find parts 1-3 of this series on the fabulous Plas Newydd, the house shown in the photograph above, by clicking here.

  • Developing a rich Welsh cultural heritage
  • The growth of the eisteddfodau
  • The example of the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod
  • The Plas Newydd Gorsedd Circle
  • The Question of Authenticity
  • Final Comments
  • Visiting
  • Sources
    xxx

Developing a rich Welsh cultural heritage

Before a discussion of the Gorsedd circle is possible, a few concepts from Welsh cultural history need to be addressed.  The Gorsedd circle is only one component of an event called the Eisteddfod, with a specific ceremonial role within that event, connected to the bardic tradition of Wales.  These terms, foreign to many who live outside Wales, are an essential part of the language of Welsh literature and song, and are explored below.

Eisteddfod

David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill at the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod

When David Lloyd George visited Snowdonia in 1908, in the company of Winston Churchill, he visited the Llangollen Eisteddfod.  He spoke in the pavilion about the power of the mountains, the valleys and the rich cultural history of his homeland.  It is this sort of perceived power of the Welsh landscape and its history that formed the basis of some of the early ideas about the heritage of the eisteddfodau and what they might achieve.  Lord Rhys ap Gruffydd of Deheubarth is usually credited with having ordered the first formal competitive eisteddfod 1176 to take place at Cardigan Castle.  The word eisteddfod is made up of two terms eistedd (sit) and fod (be), which, according to Hywel Teifi Edwards translates roughly as “sitting together” and is a type of local festival, fair and pageant celebrating Welsh music, literature, theatre and language.  In the 18th century the growing perception of the importance of Welsh culture to Welsh identity resulted in a number of new initiatives and organizations, and resulted in a renewed interest in the eisteddfod as an engine of Welsh cultural progress.

The eisteddfod, being a non-political but vibrant statement of Welsh pride in its literary and musical traditions, became an important tool for promoting Welsh solidarity and supporting the sustainability of Welsh cultural traditions and language. At the conclusion of the 1908 Llangollen National Eisteddfod it was concluded that one of the positive features of the event was that the Eisteddfod has a great education value as well as supporting Welsh culture.  The Bishop of St Asaph took up this theme at the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod, saying that the Eisteddfod not only rewarded excellence but encouraged those that aspire to excellence, pointing out that the competition was open to poor and rich alike, and accessible to those who were self-taught as well as those who had attended seats of higher learning.

Every town to host a National Eisteddfod host is selected two years in advance of the event, and the date and competitions to take place are announced at a Proclamation Ceremony (Gorsedd y Cyhoeddiad) at least a year and a day in advance of the actual opening ceremony.  The stone circle, whether temporary or permanent, is required at the time of the Proclamation so that the ceremony can take place within it, before being once again needed for the opening ceremony a year later.  This system of formal proclamation echoes Lord Rhys’s own 1175 proclamation for the 1176 eisteddfod, announced a year in advance to allow competitors to prepare.  The development of local and provincial eisteddfodau into the National Eisteddfod is discussed below.  Local, provincial and national eisteddfodau could all occur simultaneously, each with its own goals in mind.

The bards

Proclamation Ceremony at a tiny symbolic Gorsedd circle in 1888 at Brecon

The revived eisteddfod celebrated the bardic tradtion.  The earliest use of the term “bard” refers to Welsh-language poets who, in the medieval period, were professional poets, and usually maintained their professions by being itinerant.  They were honoured guests at the homes of nobility and in monastic premises as orators of poetic forms including poetic versions of accepted history.  The best of these bards were widely lauded, valued members of society and are referred to extensively in medieval literature.  Guto’r Glyn, for example, was a famous 15th century bard who lived for a time at Valle Crucis Abbey, just outside Llangollen, and wrote about the architecture as well as the hospitality he received whilst there in flattering terms (see, for example, the Valle Crucis page on the Guto’s Wales website).   Whilst this type of poetry was undoubtedly entertainment, it was also a form of artistic endeavour and was recognized as such.  Bards often performed at local eisteddfodau where winning prizes helped to establish them in bardic circles, but rarely beyond.  By the later 18th century, when the eisteddfod became associated with the Gorsedd ceremonies, many of the bards were working class and would have had full time professions, writing in their spare time.  A bard would usually have two names, the one with which he (and later she) was born and the one he or she picked as a pseudonym, a type of stage name, and a tradition that is retained today.

Druids

Pages from Stukeley’s Stonehenge showing Stukeley’s impression of a British druid. Source: Stukeley 1740

A revival in Druidism informed the ideas behind the Gorsedd ceremonies performed at eisteddfodau, but it was a form of Druidism that was based on wishful thinking rather than empirical knowledge.  Druidic traditions as they developed in the 18th century, although largely fictional, are based on a real historical religious movement that seems to have been widespread in Gaelic-speaking regions during the Iron Age (from c.800BC until the Roman invasion of Wales by around 78AD).  This period is sometimes referred to as “Celtic,” although that term is itself full of geographic, chronological and cultural ambiguity, implying an exaggerated degree of homogeneity over vast regions and encompassing significant variation in archaeological data.  Both Greek and Roman authors reference the Druids in Europe, particularly in Gaul (now France) and Roman writers later record encounters with Druids on Anglesey.  The earliest records that specifically mention Druids are no earlier than the 1st century BC, although as Miranda Green points out, they must have been in existence in some form from the 2nd century BC in order to have been so well established by the time they were being reported.  Although some of the historial information about Druids is contradictory, the available texts refer not only to religious belief and ritual (including sacrifice and divination) but also to the curation of knowledge, a culture of oral history and poetry, a judicial role, the application of health cures and a strong affinity with the natural world.

A revival in British interest in Druids and anything Celtic began in the 17th century with John Aubrey (1626-97).  Edward Lhuyd, Welsh linguist and antiquarian, produced his Archaeologia Britannica in 1707.  He argued that a common origin for language was shared by those who lived in Brittany, Wales, Cornwall and the Gaelic parts of Ireland and Scotland, and the term “Celtic” that he applied to these areas was widely adopted as a term referring to a common Celtic cultural heritage in these regions.  The first of the groups based on an idealized view of Druidism was the non-religious Ancient Druid Order established by J.J. Toland in 1717 on the back of a huge wave of interest in all things Druid, and in Wales the antiquarian Reverend Henry Rowlands (1655-1723) argued in his Mona Antiqua Restaurata of 1723 that the megalithic monuments on Anglesey were Druidic temples.

The fascination reached its apex with physician and antiquarian William Stukeley (1687 – 1765).  He argued that Druids had come to Britain with Phoenician colonists as priests from Tyre.  As Bruce Trigger explains, this tied into his belief in “a relatively pure survival of the primordial monotheism that God had revealed early in human history to the Hebrew patriarchs and hence closely related to Christianity” (Trigger p.111).  The tying in of Druidic history with Christianity has been an essential component of the sustainability of the Gorsedd tradition described below, practiced at the Eisteddfod which is often overseen and contributed to by Christian clergy.  Stukeley had a Druidic folly in his garden and had himself painted in what he imagined were Druidic style robes. His publications were popular and influential.  Druids were not merely respectable in the 18th century; they were fashionable.  The reinterpretation of Celtic artefacts and imaginary rituals by artists in the 18th and 19th centuries was often founded on imagined realities, false impressions and incorrect histories, but was hugely influential.

Gorsedd of Bards

Edward Williams, “Iolo Morganwg.” Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Belief in Druidism was essential to many parts of the part of the ceremonial component now a part of the eisteddfod known as the Gorsedd.  The word Gorsedd is a Welsh word meaning “throne.”  It was employed by former stonemason and bard Edward Williams (bardic name Iolo Morganwg, 1747 – 1826) for the name of his new group and nationalist manifesto, the “Gorsedd of Bards of the Isle of Britain” (Gorsedd Beirdd Ynys Prydain, now known as Gorsedd Cymru – the “Gorsedd of Wales”).  Williams  was brought up in Glamorgan, and knew the bards Lewis Hopkins, Siôn Bradford and Rhys Morgan when young.  Although his first language was English, Williams was brought up in Glamorganshire, where he was based for the majority of his life, learned Welsh and was an indefatigable activist on behalf of Welsh interests, advocating for a national library and a folk museum.  He travelled in 1771 and went to London in 1773 where he met members of the Society of Gwyneddigion, and attended their meetings.  This inspired him to set up an association of bards based on ancient traditions.

His Gorsedd of Bards was the tool that Williams used to promote Welsh culture, particularly that of south Wales, showcasing individuals who furthered the interests of art, music, literature and language. Williams was an interesting, if very divisive character.  In order to give his new group a strong historic validity he claimed a personal connection between himself and Iron Age Druids, whose knowledge he claimed had survived and had been passed down through generations in Glamorgan as a secret sect with a series of ceremonies into which he had been initiated by the last surviving Druid.  Antiquarian William Stukeley had made Druidism fashionable in the 18th century, and Williams was able to jump on the bandwagon.  To substantiate his claims and gain acceptance, he forged ancient manuscripts including a fake Druidic alphabet, which he presented to peers as authentic documents, which were widely accepted by the community of Welsh nationals in London, where he was temporarily living, including the influential Gwyneddigion Society. The account in the I884 Introduction of the Transactions of the Royal National Eisteddfod of Wales, provides a good idea of the sort of fraudulent history invented by Williams:

The records thus furnished, take us back to a time of Prydain ab Aedd Mawr, who is said to have lived about a thousand years before the Christian era, and who established the Gorsedd as an institution to perpetuate the works of the poets and musicians. But the first Eisteddfod, properly so called, appears to have been held at Conway in the year 540, under the authority and control of Maelgwn Gwynedd.* This was followed by a series of meetings held at varying intervals under the auspices of the Welsh Princes, among whom Bleddyn ab Cynfyn and Gruffydd ab Cynan were prominent as patrons and organizers; and the granting of Royal Charters by Edward IV for the holding of an Eisteddfod at Carmarthen in 1451, and by Queen Elizabeth for a similar festival at Caerwys in 1568 [quoted in Wikipedia: Transactions of the Royal National Eisteddfod of Wales, Liverpool, 1884] *Maelgwn Gwynedd (d. c. 547) was King of Gwynedd during the early 6th century.]

Page from Mona Antiqua Restaurata. Source: Internet Archive

It has to be said that Williams was not alone in seeking a largely mythological identity for Wales.  There was a precedent in Theophilus Evans and his 1716 book Drych y Prif Oesoedd (Mirror of Past Ages), which re-wrote Welsh history as an epic tale of Welsh descent from a grandson of Noah.  It has already been mentioned that in 1717 The Ancient Druid Order had been founded by J.J. Toland and that in 1723 the Reverend Henry Rowlands (1655-1723) published Mona Antiqua Restaurata, which sought and purported to find a Druidic explanation for prehistoric monuments on Anglesey which are now known to have been much earlier.  William Stukeley was convinced that the great circles of Stonehenge and Avebury were the work of the Druidic religion.

On 21st June 1792, Midsomer Solstice, Williams built a small stone circle on Primrose Hill in London, with a central stone as a ceremonial focus, and used it to formalize the membership of a number of supporters of Welsh culture into his Gorsedd of Bards.  Later in 1792, on September 22nd, this was repeated.  The ceremonies that he held in 1792 and afterwards were designed to reward the efforts of those who were making significant contributions to Welsh culture and its sustainability, framing these contributions and successes within a time-honoured Druidic tradition.

In 1795 Edward Williams returned to Glamorgan.  At the age of 70 he travelled to the Carmarthen eisteddfod, uninvited, and used a pocket full of pebbles to delineate a Gorsedd circle on the lawn of the Ivy Bush Inn.  There he ceremonially inducted a number of individuals to the Gorsedd, providing them with coloured ribbons to indicate their new rank of ovate, bard or Druid.  This was the first time that the eisteddfod and the Gorsedd were linked, and the second time a circle had been deployed.

Eventually, of course, Edward Williams was revealed to be a fraud.  Even some of his contemporaries were doubtful of his claims, with John Walters (1721-97) referring to his Gorsedd and its historical foundations as “a made dish.”  Rather more personally damning, William Williams stated flatly that “no vouches can be produced but the brains of Iolo Morganwg” (the latter being the bardic name of Edward Williams).   However it was not until the latter half of the 19th century that academics began to make their voices heard on the subject of the authenticity of the Gorsedd.  The very first Celtic professor at Oxford University, John Rhŷs, appointed in 1877, referred to the Gorsedd as “antiquarian humbug, positively injurious to the true interests of the Eisteddfod” (all quoted on the Peoples Collection Wales).

Archdruid Cynan (seated central) in 1956 at Aberdare. Source: Wikipedia

Although doubts were cast on the Gorsedd narrative, with many declaring it to be a fantasy, the false history provided by Edward Williams was not actually addressed until after the 1950s when Albert Evans-Jones “Cynan” (1895-1970), an ordained pastor of the Presbyterian church and tutor in the Extramural Department of the University College, Bangor, became Archdruid.  He held the position twice, from 1950 until 1954 and again from 1963 until 1966 and was a considerable innovator, responsible for declaring that the Gorsedd had no connection with ancient Druidism.  According to the Welsh Dictionary of Biography:

Endowed with a keen sense of drama and pageant, he realised that the Gorsedd ceremonies were capable of being made attractive to the crowds.  He brought order and dignity to the proceedings, and introduced new ceremonies, such as the flower dance.  He renounced all the Gorsedd’s former claims to antiquity and links with the Druids, and openly acknowledged that it was the invention of Iolo Morganwg (Edward Williams). He succeeded in gaining many new members, including some academics.”

The Druidic component of the Gorsedd ceremonies is now purely symbolic, but that symbolism still remains an important aspect of the display and ritual.  Whilst rejecting the historical links to Druidism, the Archdruid innovated new modern ceremonies that were more inclusive of Christian ideas, marrying them to Celtic symbolism to create a new hybridized approach that retained all the pageantry.

The invention of the Gorsedd of Bards is a truly extraordinary story, not least because it worked.  By weaving together a mixture of Druidic history (as it was then understood), Bardic tradition, and spurious historical reimagining supported by faked manuscripts, to lend his ideas credibility, Edward Williams was able to produce a new Druidic-bardic tradition, of which he was himself a key component.  As David Lowenthal says

History is customarily made more venerable.  those who magnify their past are especially prone to amplifying its age.  Relics and records count for more if they antedate rival claims to power, prestige or property; envy of antecedence plays a prime role in lengthening the past (p.336)

Williams did not just massage his data, he faked it, producing a Celtic documentary equivalent of Piltdown Man and like the forger of Piltdown, Williams targeted colleagues and influencers.  He used his invented platform of the Gorsedd to relaunch the institution of the eisteddfod as a celebration of Welsh culture. After his death, his son Taliesin worked to continue his father’s legacy.

Stone circles / Cerrig yr orsedd

A prehistoric stone circle in Happy Valley near Aberdovey, mid-west Wales with a friend standing for scale to show how relatively small it is.  Dates to the Early Bronze Age.

William Stukeley’s proposal that stone circles like Stonehenge and Avebury were Druidic incorrectly linked what were actually Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age monuments with Druids of the later Iron Age.  Even though there are stone circles in Wales, these tend to be small, particularly in north and mid Wales, and go out of use well before the Iron Age.  Stone circles were never a feature of the Druidic portfolio.  Although subsequent archaeological research placed prehistoric stone circles in a much earlier period, this knowledge was not available at the time. This means that neo-Druidic groups making claims on Stonehenge and other sites are doing so without any basis in the available archaeological data.  Edwards very cleverly adopted the stone circle as a useful motif and device for his Gorsedd ceremonies. Given Stukeley’s claims, this must have seemed perfectly reasonable and from 1819 was developed into an important part of the Eisteddfod, with custom-designed Gorsedd circles, cerrig yr orsedd, making very good use of a much older model to meet the Gorsedd’s own needs within the eisteddfod format.

The Gorsedd circle has survived into the modern eisteddfod, and although since 2004 it now uses portable fibreglass “stones”,  the circle continues to be a component part of the Eisteddfod.  As Archdruid Cynan demonstrated, a belief in Druids is not required to make the stone circle a very effective ceremonial container for some of the Eisteddfod ceremonies, and nor, apparently, is the authenticity of its materials.
xxx

The growth of the eisteddfodau

The eisteddfodau up until the 19th century

There had been a long tradition of eisteddfodau in communities in Wales each adapting the festival to its own requirements at various different scales of endeavour before the idea of provincial, and later national eisteddfodau, were first explored.  After the first known eisteddfod of Lord Rhys in 1176, the tradition seems to have survived until the mid-16th century when it went into decline, but began to revive in the early 1700s.  John Davies refers to some of the earlier 18th century eisteddfodau as “often drunken and bootless occasions” (p.297), but the value of the event to national interests ensured that in the later 18th century the larger provincial occasions were far more sober and well-structured.  Whilst still being enjoyable festivals, pageants and fairs, they focused mainly on Welsh traditions and language, rewarding Welsh cultural output.  Welsh music and poetry were major components of these festivals, and so have literature, theatre and scholarship.

Wonderful Gwyneddigion medal awarded in the 1789 eisteddfod at Corwen. Source: National Museum of Wales

As suggested above, in the later 18th century a new interest in Welsh culture had developed both within and beyond Wales and new ways of finding expression of Welsh identity were sought via education, religion and publications.  Formal organizations grew up to highlight Welsh cultural distinctiveness and merit and to promote Welsh cultural values, many developing outside Wales to attempt to raise the national profile beyond the country’s borders.  Examples are the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion founded in 1751, the Gwyneddigion established in 1771, and the Caradogian Society founded in the 1790s.  As these initiatives took off, new means to market Welsh nationality were sought, and the eisteddfod was seized on as a vehicle for promoting these ideas of cultural identity and uniqueness.  In September 1789 the Gwyneddigion sponsored the eisteddfod in Bala and might have continued to do so if it had not been for the French Revolutionary Wars (followed by the Napoleonic Wars) when nationalistic activities were strongly discouraged in a climate of fear of sedition and revolution.

In the post-Napoleonic war period enthusiasm for the eisteddfod lingered, and in 1819 the first provincial eisteddfod took place in Carmarthen, when Edward Williams staged his first eisteddfod Gorsedd ceremony.  There were signs that the eisteddfod was becoming far more organized and flexible to new ideas.  Teifi Williams gives the example of how Edward Williams argued that as well as the cynghanedd, other freer forms of poetic composition should also be welcomed, claiming that this would reflect medieval traditions, but would also open the competition to more bards.  At the same time new sources of material were being sought and English songs translated into Welsh became part of the portfolio of Welsh music, absorbed into a narrative of Welsh national musical heritage, not particularly authentic but helping to contribute to the available material.

The Chair for the winner of the awdl in 1908. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Rewarding competitions and demonstrations of skill became increasingly important, with a beautifully designed wooden chair, being awarded annually to the winning “Chief Bard,” From 1867 a crown was also awarded annually, and medals began to be designed by well-known silversmiths to highlight the prestige of winning.  These medals would merit study in their own right.  Cash prizes were also offered to encourage participation and help bards to establish themselves after the events.  The competitions have been a particularly good opportunity for Welsh men and an increasing number of women to establish themselves as artists and scholars who might be lauded for their achievements further afield.  However, feeding into the format were English contributors and Anglicized Welsh landowners.  it was only in the second half of the 20th century that the occasions became more confidently and exclusively Welsh.

The institution of the eisteddfod was given a significant publicity boost in both 1828 and again in 1832  when the events were marked by royal visits.  King George IV  visited in 1828 at the Denbigh Eisteddfod and in 1832, although poor weather caused the proposed visit of Princess Victoria and her mother to the Beaumaris Eisteddfod to be cancelled, the winners were all taken to Baron Hill, where she was staying, to have their medals presented to them by the future monarch.  The winner of the Chair for a poem that year was the Reverend William Williams (bardic name “Caledfryn”) who wrote a poem that is well known even today: The Rothesay Castle (about a ship wrecked off the coast of Anglesey).

Lady Augusta Llanover became an important name in the history of eisteddfodau.  In 1834, using the Bardic name Gwenynen Gwent (the bee of Gwent), Lady Llanover won first prize for her essay The Advantages resulting from the Preservation of the Welsh Language and National Costumes of Wales.  As well as being a competitor in the 1834 eisteddfod, Lady Llanover (1802-1896) sponsored other eisteddfod competitors, promoted other Welsh traditions, including Welsh wool and costume, and was particularly interested in the Welsh triple harp. As with Edward Williams, English was her first language but she learned Welsh.  She was also a founder of the Cymdeithas Cymreigyddion y Fenni (the Abergavenny Welsh Society) founded in 1833 to emulate the Cymmrodorion society.  In 1835 as part of the Cymdeithas Cymreigyddion y Fenni she established a new series of ten  eisteddfodau in Abergavenny, which lasted until 1853:

By the time we reach the end of this exciting movement with the last of the Abergavenny eisteddfodau in 1853, it’s obvious that the Eisteddfod is on the threshold of a particularly exciting period. By then there were railways the length and breadth of Wales, and this made it possible to bring thousands of people from every part of Wales to the different venues where the eisteddfodau were held. A new era had dawned, and by the middle of the 1850s people were beginning to talk of a National Eisteddfod. The time had come to create one single eisteddfod, yearly, if possible, that would encapsulate Wales’s eisteddfod culture on an annual basis.  [Amgueddfa Cymru]

At the same time other local eisteddfodau continued to be organized, each doing things in their own way, so that the tradition continued to grow at all levels.

Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales. Source: National Museum of Wales

The provincial eisteddfodau had taken place in an atmosphere of national discontent.  From the 1830s the rise of Non-Conformism as an alternative to Anglicanism was widespread, and the working class Chartist movement was increasingly popular.  Following the French Revolution there was fear at a state level that protests like those in Newport in 1839, where a crowd of some 20,000 protestors was fired upon by soldiers, and the Rebecca Riots of the 1840s would escalate into something that would threaten national security.  It was the Welsh M.P. for Coventry, William Williams, who drew attention to the state of education in Wales, believing that the lack of English teaching in Welsh schools limited employment opportunities.  The result was the 1847 Report of the Commissions of Enquiry into the State of Education in Wales, which became referred to as the Blue Books due to the blue binding, and was later referred to as The Treason of the Blue Books after a play of that name was written and performed.

When the report was published it was scathing and sweeping in its findings. Welsh children were poorly educated, poorly taught and had little or no understanding of the English language. They were ignorant, dirty and badly motivated.  Welsh women were not just lax in their morals – many of them being late home from chapel meetings! – they were also non-conformist lax. To reinforce the power of the established church and to make English the required mode of teaching and expression in schools is the main thrust of the report. [BBC News]

To make matters worse, Matthew Arnold (1822-1888), an English cultural commentator, poet, Professor of Poetry at Oxford University, literary critic and inspector of schools considered that Welsh would die out and should be allowed to do so.  Writing in 1867, Arnold stated that “the sooner the Welsh language disappears as an instrument of the practical, political, social life of Wales, the better for England and the better for Wales itself.”  He was supportive of Celtic literature, but thought that in confining itself to Welsh, it failed to engage with mainstream poetic trends in Britain and Europe and would never be fully appreciated outside Wales.

The importance of promoting positive aspects of Welsh life in the face of the Blue Books and other detractors coincided with the increasing popularity of the eisteddfodau, and the establishment of the first National Eisteddfod helped promote Wales as a cultural presence capable of competing on equal terms with the English.

The National Eisteddfod

Silver crown from the 1858 eisteddfod. Source: National Museum of Wales

In 1858 the eisteddfod in Llangollen was a landmark event, the Great Llangollen Eisteddfod (Eisteddfod Fawr Llangollen).  In positioning itself as a national eisteddfod, it set the ball rolling for an official annual National Eisteddfod.  It was organized by John Williams “Ab Ithel,” one of the adherents of Edward Williams, and made a formal, official inclusion of Gorsedd ceremonies including a stone circle in which to hold them.  Michael Freeman notes that the circle for the 1858 event was removed after the event. Llangollen was a good venue because Telford’s improved Holyhead road, now the A5, had opened in 1826 although the railway did not open to passengers until 1862.  Llangollen had been a tourist destination since the late 1700s, when Lady Eleanor Butler and Sarah Ponsonby were in residence at Plas Newydd, and had continued to rise in popularity.  The 1858 eisteddfod was the first time that robes were worn instead of sashes at the Gorsedd, giving it a new feel and a greater Druidic atmosphere.  Most entertainingly, an essay was presented by one Thomas Stephens that set about overturning the pseudo-history in which Prince Madog ap Owain Gwynedd  had discovered America.  Unfortunately the set topic for the eisteddfod was The Discovery of America in the 12th Century by Prince Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd, for which a silver star medal was offered.  This had run counter to the type of message of Welsh supremacy that the organizers had been hoping for, and caused no little controversy.  Fortunately for the organizers, the poem that won the Chair by John Ceiriog Hughes (Bardic name “Ceiriog”) entitled Myfanwy Fychan of Dinas Brân was an instant and lasting success, creating a model of a virtuous and charming Welsh heroine, and referring to the local castle perched behind Llangollen.  In the 1856 and 1858 Eisteddfodau, the song Hen Wlad Nhadau (Land of my Fathers) by father and son team Evan and James James from Pontypridd was sung with such gusto that it was soon adopted as the Welsh National Anthem.

At the 1860 eisteddfod in Denbigh a decision was made to established a national body run by an elected committee to run a National Eisteddfod.  The first official National Eisteddfod took place in 1861 in Aberdare.  Subsequent eisteddfodau went to Caernarfon, Swansea, Llandudno, Aberystwyth, Chester, Carmarthen, and then Ruthin In 1868.  Innovations continued to be made.  For example, in 1862, in Caernarfon, a new Social Science category was added, which extended the scope of the Eisteddfod beyond the arts into the realm of the everyday Welsh living.  In 1863, although musical compositions had won awards and been performed to enthusiastic reception in the past, the Swansea Eisteddfod marked the first time that a medal was awarded for choral singing, and this became a major aspect of the competition from then on.

1904 postcard of Archdruid Hwfa Mon. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

From 1895 to 1905 the Archdruid was the Reverend Rowland Williams “Hwfa Mon,” the son of an agricultural labourer who became a carpenter and like so many of the stand-out characters in the Eisteddfod and Gorsedd, had received an education and found a path to an influential position.  From being a lay preacher he trained in the Bala Theological College and was ordained as a Congregational Minister in 1851.  He became a Bard at the Eisteddfod in Aberffaw in 1849 and rose through the ranks to become the first Crowned bard in Carmarthen in 1867 and Archdruid in 1895.  His main claim to fame is his role in fully integrating the Gorsedd with the National Eisteddfod, building on the ideas of Edward Williams, turning the Gorsedd component into a pageant with full ceremonial garb.

From 1910 costs for the National Eisteddfod became the responsibility of the a local committee, to be reimbursed by ticket sales for the main event, as well as for subsidiary events.  For the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod, for example, as well as turnstile takings, an Arts Exhibition, with items on loan from London and from local collectors, was ticketed separately.

In 1876 the first “empty chair” had been awarded at Wrexham, when the winning submission had died and the Chair was awarded posthumously to Thomas Jones (Taliesin o Eifion).  This was echoed in 1917 when the Chair was again empty.  The Chair had been awarded to Ellis Humphrey Evans “Hedd Wyn” (Blessed Peace) but Private Evans had died in the trenches whilst serving with the Royal Welsh Fusiliers.  The Chair was covered with a black sheet to indicate mourning.
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The example of the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod

The pavilion of the 1908 National Eisteddfod. Source: People’s Collection Wales (Llangollen Museum Object Reference 2005_20_42)

Using the 1908 Eisteddfod as an example, gleaned mainly from contemporary newspaper reports, holding the Eisteddfod was an important event for the town.  It is referred to as the “Ceiriog Memorial Eisteddfod” (after the bardic name, Ceiriog, of the winner of the 1858 Llangollen Chair), the “Llangollen Jubilee Eisteddfod”  or the “Royal National Eisteddfod.” It marked the 50th year anniversary of the Great Llangollen Eisteddfod of 1858, when the Chair was won by Ceiriog for Myfanwy Fychan of Dinas Bran.  Ceiriog was important to Llangollen, and is sometimes referred to in Welsh newspapers as the Burns of Wales, reflecting Welsh hopes to produce a poet who would be recognized outside Wales.

The organizing committee clearly felt under pressure as a comparatively small venue to put on a show just as impressive as those of its larger predecessors, and took the fact that it was the Jubilee year very seriously.  Local dignitaries were recruited to form a committee, including landowners, clergy, and civic officials, and and the entire community was involved in delivering the fully functional enterprise.  A 60ft (18.3m) stone circle was decided upon and built in 1907 for the proclamation ceremony (about which more below), and the design for the pavilion, after much discussion, was agreed.  It was made of wood with a corrugated iron roof, which was designed to be easy to dismantle after the event, but which actually managed to withstand the dreadful wind and rain in the Eisteddfod week at Llangollen.  It slighting was supplied by one T.C. Davies who used acetylene gas that cost the committee one third of what any other form of lighting would have cost them.  Usually the pavilion was the covered stage for the main events, including competitions and the awarding of prizes, and the circle was the focus of the Druid-inspired Gorsedd ceremonies, but because of the rain some of the Gorsedd ceremonies had to be conducted in the pavilion.

Details of the Week’s programme from The Welsh Coast Pioneer and Review for North Cambria 3rd sept 1908

As well as ceremonial and competition considerations there were the logistical arrangements required for a huge influx of visitors.  Extra trains were put on for visitors from the wider area including North and South Wales, Cheshire, Lancashire, Yorkshire and Staffordshire, and the railway station took measures to cope with the volume of passengers that they would have to process.  Extra police were brought in to help direct crowds and to cope with any wayward behaviour, and the Post Office arranged for extra mail handling requirements.  Even the Parish Church put on special services for the visitors, with a service delivered by the Lord Bishop of Ottawa, visiting from Canada.

After the opening ceremony in the Gorsedd circle, the Art Exhibition was opened by The Countess of Grosvenor on Friday August 28th with an opening speech by Sir Theodore Martin.  As well as two chairs once belonging to Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby, the famous owners of Plas Newydd up until 1831, there were items relevant to the 1858 Eisteddfod, including the wreath won by Ceiriog and the original manuscript of his winning Myfanwy Fychan of Dinas Bran.  Ab Ithel’s gold tiara and satin robe, and the hirlas horn were all present too.  Local property owners also supplied items of interest.  Of more universal interest were paintings by JMW Turner and David Cox, supplied by the South Kensington Museum.  There was also a demonstration of weaving, the Mile End Mills having loaned a loom, whilst other local companies supplied an oil engine and a card setting machine.  It was apparently visited by hundreds of visitors.  The art exhibition was ticketed separately.  It accompanied a set of papers delivered later in the proceedings on the subject of developing art in Wales.  The Cardiff Times (12th September 1908) commented that it was suggested that until national or public art galleries were established to provide public access to art within the Principality, “[a]rt in Wales is in the future and not the present.”  Although ticketed separately, the exhibition was apparently a great success.

Given that the competition for the Chair and Crown were both for Welsh-language verse, the winners were almost inevitably Welsh.  The Chair (shown in a photograph further up the page) was awarded to the the person deemed to be the prifardd (the main or chief bard) for an awdl a long-form poem written in strict metre according to specific rules around alliteration, assonance, and internal rhyme (cynghanedd), which was still expected to have emotional content.  In 1908 it was awarded to ordained preacher John James Williams (“JJ”) for his poem on the fixed theme for the awdl competition, “Ceiriog.”  John Ceiriog Hughes had been the winner of the chair in the 1858 Llangollen Eisteddfod, and his two daughters were on the platform during the ceremony and participated in the investiture.  The Crown was awarded to Hugh Emyr Davies (“Emyr”), a Welsh Presbyterian minister for his poem, awarded for free metre (pryddest) on the theme of Owain Glyndwr.  Both ceremonies were performed within the pavilion.  The announcement of the winner of the Crown was preceded by the bards appearing in their robes and paraphernalia, and forming an arc behind the Archdruid.  Two of the three judges (the other not in attendance) stepped forward and the unanimous judgment was given.  The poet “Emyr” knelt before local dignitary Mrs Bulkeley Owen for the crowing, after which he was accepted into the fraternity with the recital of poetry and a song.

A crown made in arts and crafts / art nouveau style that was given  to the winner of the free verse competition at the National Eisteddfod of Wales.  Made of silver, green enamel and velvet.  Produced in 1908 by Philip and Thomas Vaughton.  Source: Titus Omega via Art Nouveau Style.

Other competitions taking place throughout the week included prizes for literature; music (vocal, choral and instrumental as well as compositions); arts, crafts and science; sculpture and modelling; architecture; photography; designing and decorating; and wood and stone carving.  There were also prizes for different age groups, so that children could be included.  In between events there were many speeches, some by local worthies, others by more widely known individuals.  On one of the days both David Lloyd George (Chancellor under Herbert Henry Asquith) and Winston Churchill (President of the Board of Trade), travelling together, gave speeches.  The speech by Lloyd George was a somewhat romantic and hyperbolic view of Welsh history as derived from the mountains and valleys themselves and spoke of his pride in Welsh progress (described by one columnist for the Aberystwyth Observer as “a mere string of platitudes interspersed with florid compliments to his own country and people”); that of Winston Churchill referred to Wales as a “sea of song” and he hoped that that song would  endure and preserve what was best in the Welsh national character and faith.  A more interesting speech was by Mr Llywelyn William MP who “transgressed the time honoured rule which bans politics from the Gorsedd circle and the Eisteddfod platform by declaring he looked forward to seeing a national Parliament, like that over which Llywelyn the Great presided,” which was followed by applause [The Aberystwyth Observer, 10th September 1908].  The Bishop of St Asaph was invited to speak not because of his episcopal position but due to his eminence as a Welshman.  The speech by Sir Merchant Williams, which was reported in several newspapers, is quoted further below.

1908 menu celebrating the Patagonian visitors. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Off-stage, some of the more sensitive discussions were held, such as the important consideration of the Archdruid’s Reform Bill, (which was referred back to a committee for consideration due to concerns that could not be resolved) and the problems of the Breton Gorsedd delegation, which resulted in the statement that the British Gorsedd would never interfere with political or sectarian questions.  The event was also dotted with a number of concerts, receptions and banquets, including an event to celebrate the presence of some 50 delegates from Patagonia.  Importantly, it was also decided which town would win the competition to host the National Eisteddfod in two years time (Colwyn Bay was selected to follow London’s Albert Hall Eisteddfod of 1909).

Although the winners of the two main Welsh-language poetry prizes were both Welsh, no Eisteddfod was a purely Welsh affair.  Part of its purpose was to demonstrate that the Welsh could compete on equal terms with the English in music, and this meant that English competitors, as well as some European ones, were a big part of the Eisteddfod well into the 20th century.  Indeed, five Eisteddfodau were also held in England – in Chester (1866), Liverpool (1900 and again in 1929), London (1909, following the Llangollen Eisteddfod) and Birkenhead (1917), which one of the newspapers interpreted as a successful transmission of Welsh traditions across the border.

The last day featured a brass band contest, after which the end of the Eisteddfod was marked by a splendid display at Plas Newydd to celebrate the success of the event.  The Llangollen Advertiser provides a vivid description:

The splendidly complete arrangements made Mr. Robertson for the illumination of the grounds of Plas Newydd, on Wednesday evening during Eisteddfod week, were in every way admirable. A Manchester contemporay, in the course of an elaborate description of the effect, says; “The outline of every flower-bed was picked out with coloured fairy lamps. In among the geraniums they lay in almost dazzling pro fusion—white, amber, and rose—and some there Were of an icy, greenish blue, like giant glow- worms in the grass. Chinese lanterns, too, were hanging in lines between the distant trees, and the water tower, black and white like the house, though half leaf-buried, had near its summit a huge star of gleaming. All Llangollen, little and big, bad mounted the hill to see the sight, And were now peering over the garden hedge from the neighbouring lane, either standing on tiptoe or seated at ease on a paternal shoulder. The mosaic of ground lights cast a flush on the long line of watchers’ facts and turned into maidenhair the canopy of birch leaves overhead. It picked out, too, the grotesque outlines of poodle-clipped yew trees, unvenerable though so old, and by its many-tinted reflex made medley of the stained-glass windows of Plas Newydd.” [Llangollen Advertiser, 11th September 1908]

Olga Harte winner of the under-16 violin solo. Source: Evening Express, September 3rd 1908

The Pembroke County Guardian and Cardigan Reporter was pleased to note, on 11th September 1908, that even though there were big crowds with over 7000 people a day through the turnstiles, there had not been a single reported case of drunkenness or disorderly conduct, and that the police had experienced no difficulties managing the revellers.  This is surprising, as not only were people pouring in from the immediate area, but special trains had been put on to carry people from much further afield.  This was quite unlike the “often drunken and bootless” occasions of earlier eisteddfodau reported by John Davies.

The Cambrian News and Merionethshire Standard on 11th September reported that 34,626 visitors had been recorded through the turnstiles.  The newspapers reported that the finances after the event were healthy.  The Llangollen Advertiser on 11th September commented that “the financial success of the National Eisteddfod id virtually assured – something like £500 being required to meet all claims, something over £950.00 having been taken yesterday.”

Overall, although the standard of singing was thought to be inferior, possibly because some of the most prestigious competitors were unable to attend due to bad weather, and the weather itself spoiled some of the Gorsedd ceremonies, the media deemed that the Eisteddfod as a whole was a great success.
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Gorsedd circles and their role in the eisteddfodau

Gorsedd of Bards at the Liverpool Eisteddfod 1884. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

The Gorsedd circle was developed as a ceremonial space, using a millennia-old design to create a marketable image of a modern Welsh identity with roots that were positioned as deriving from Celtic traditions.  Edward Williams, influenced by the ideas of William Stukeley and others incorrectly associated stone circles with Druids, worked back from a desired state of Welsh identity to provide his nation with time depth and historical integrity towards making that desired time-honoured identity a reality.

The Proclamation, described above, took place a year and a day in advance of the event, and this now takes the form of a procession to the circle where the next eisteddfod is announced.  The National Eisteddfod celebrations, which are not exclusively Gorsedd, shift between the circle, the pavilion and, in subsidiary temporary structures in the the field in which the entire event takes place, (Y Maes).  The first Gorsedd ceremony held by Edward Williams on Primrose Hill took place in a stone circle, and for his impromptu arrival at the 1819 eisteddfod he carried pockets full of pebbles.  After then most circles were temporary, and sometimes none were built at all.  The first permanent stone circle was built in 1897 at the Newport (Gwent) National Eisteddfod and they have been a much valued component of most of the annual celebrations in Wales ever since.  Most were permanent but the five held in England were all apparently temporary.

Over the course of two decades Michael Freeman (former curator of the Amgueddfa Ceredigion / Ceredigion Museum) has carried out a comprehensive research programme, effectively an archaeological survey.  This research has found that of around 90 circles originally built around 75 survive.  Most of these are not shown on the Ordnance Survey maps and until the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales (RCAHMW) recorded Michael Freeman’s research, complete with grid reference and NPRN (a unique RCAHMW identifier), they were not listed as heritage monuments.  They have been divided into four categories, which enable the trends and differences in Gorsedd circle building to be compared.  For those interested in knowing more about the permanent Gorsedd circles, see Michael Freeman’s web pages dedicated to the subject on his Early Tourists in Wales website.  It makes for fascinating reading.

Sample from Michael Freeman’s page on Gorsedd circles. Source: Early Tourists in Wales

Michael Freeman’s research has shown that the most common circles consist of a single circuit of 11 or 12 stones, a central large stone, the Maen Llong (Logan Stone), which acts as a focal point and what was a Druidic altar but since Archdruid Dyfed’s tenure is now secular.  This basic layout could be supplemented by two or more outliers or inliers which either reflected points where the sun would rise at certain times of the year, or alternatively the symbol of the Gorsedd, a three-stroke symbol known as the anwen or Y Nod Cyfrin.  Interestingly, Michael Freeman’s work has found that the location of the circle was usually one of convenience and had little to do with a good position in terms of solar or astronomical observance.  This would not usually have been the case in the Early Bronze Age, when most were built and when sites were often located where they provided views into the distance, where large portions of the skies could be observed.

Incorporated into the timetable of the National Eisteddfod, such as the one that took place in the 1858 and 1908 Eisteddfodau at Llangollen, a number of ceremonies took place.  First is the Proclamation ceremony that gives a year’s notice of the event, and which involves a ceremonial procession to the circle accompanied by music, school children and other community groups.  Some of the ceremonies that take place during the Eisteddfod are for granting awards to the competition winners and others are for rewarding the achievements of those who are to be formally admitted to the membership of the Gorsedd, either by completing exams or by having made some significant contribution to Welsh culture or language.

Archdruid’s Breastplate designed by Hubert Herkomer for the Newport Eisteddfod in 1896. Source: National Museum of Wales via Peoples Collection Wales

Just as in the 1819 ceremony, there are three classes of Gorsedd membership, each represented by a different colour: ovates (green), bards (blue) and Druids (white).  When Edward Williams began the Gorsedd ceremonies he used ribbons, but these became sashes and eventually became robes.  These categories used to form a tripartite hierarchy, but are now considered to be on equal footing.  There is, however, an elected head of the Gorsedd known as the Archdderwydd (Archdruid) whose robe is gold and has tenure for three years.  The form of the ceremonies is designed to reference Druid iconography, and includes rituals supported by ritual objects and accompanied by prayers and chanting.  The key material components of the Gorsedd at a national Eisteddfod, apart from the stone circle itself, are the corn hirlais (horn of plenty), the Grand Gorsedd Sword (sheathed at the end of the ceremony to symbolize peace), the Y Corn Gwlad trumpet, an official banner introduced in 1896, and roles and regalia that were introduced at different times, including the crown, breast-plate and sceptre that are often prominent in photographs.  The symbol known as the mystic mark, consisting of three converging slender triangles, was known as the anwen, Nôd Cyfrin or Nôd Pelydr Goleuni (mark of shafts of light) was not much used during the life of Edward Williams, but was employed by his son, and became a popular icon of National Eisteddfodau.  Robes and insignia were introduced to replace sashes in the 1858 Llangollen National Eisteddfod.

Interestingly, Gorsedd sites were never objects of pilgrimage, even when still associated in Gorsedd lore with ancient Druidism.  They may hold local importance, and are sometimes tourist attractions, but even before a more formal synthesis with Christian ideas and rituals, they were never seen as Druid temples in their own right. Nor are they seen as Christian places of worship.

The Corwen eisteddfod of 1895 with a group around a stone in the centre. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

The point has already been made that in the context of an eisteddfod, local or national, the cerrig yr orsydd are an artifice in the sense that they were never associated with the medieval tradition of the eisteddfod.  The stone circle was chosen as an emblem decided to reference prehistoric monuments and this too is an artifice because the Early Bronze Age circles have nothing to do with the later Druidic sects.  Although they have only recently been acknowledged as heritage in their own right, the Gorsedd circles are fixed reminders that an Eisteddfod has taken place there and that these events represent the value of Welsh cultural output, stamping a sense of modern Welsh identity on the landscape.  It was a brilliant idea, but a shame that it required the dragging in of ancient Druidism to give it momentum.  Since 2004 the cerrig yr orsedd are not actually made of stone and are not permanent.  Fibreglass look-alikes are used instead, which must greatly simplify the logistics, and saves much of the hand-wringing that has taken place when permanent circles are sometimes found to be in places that interrupt modern development plans.

Gorsedd circles are a long-term material emblem and reminder of past eisteddfodau, collectively representing a recognizable identity associated with specific ideas, values and cultural beliefs.  For every community in which a Gorsedd circle still stands, it carries social and cultural significance that is both locally grounded and an integral part of a larger tradition into which those individual communities are linked by having played their part in a grand Welsh tradition.
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The Plas Newydd Gorsedd Circle

1908 Gorsedd circle. Plas Newydd is behind it with Mr George Robertson’s wing before it was demolished, and Castell Dinas Bran at the top of the hill behind the house.  Peoples Collection Wales (Object Ref 2001_6_47, Llangollen Museum)

The Plas Newydd stone circle is located in a small field just beyond the remarkable house of Plas Newydd, overlooked by topiary and surrounded by a driveway that today serves as parking for visitors.  It has been recently recorded by the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales as NPRN 800631.

The Gorsedd stone circle itself was a community effort, and at the centre of decisions about how the Proclamation ceremony, which would take a year in advance of the main event, would be managed and experienced.  At a planning meeting of the organizing committee it was decided to ask Mr George H. Robertson who owned Plas Newydd for the field next to the house, so that a procession could be organized from the town up the hill to the circle.  Mr Robertson, a Liverpool cotton trader, was one in a line of owners of the Plas Newydd cottage, all of whom maintained the legacy of Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby as well as making modifications of their own.  He contributed a new wing to the cottage that can be seen in the above photograph (demolished in the 1960s) and probably added new features to the original building, whilst maintaining what was already in situ.  He was also responsible for the yew tree garden and the topiary.  His gift of the land for the Gorsedd circle, and his decision to make the circle a permanent feature, has added to the already unique personality of Plas Newydd.

The central stone in the middle of the Gorsedd circle, on top of which many of the ceremonies were performed

The Llangollen circle is spacious, with a diameter of 60ft (18.3m), with twelve evenly spaced large rocks around the circumference, averaging 2 tons each, as well as the 5-ton 8ft (2.4m) long monster at its centre, the maen llong (Logan stone).  There are also three outliers.  There are different explanations for what outliers, which occur at other sites too, may represent.  One newspaper, the Chester Courant and Advertiser for North Wales, describes the Llangollen outliers as representing sunrise, midday and sunset, but more generally they may equally represent the Y Nod Cyfrin (or anwen), used by Edward Williams to represent love, justice and truth.  Judging from Michael Freeman’s survey, at 60ft (18.3m) it was smaller than most of the surviving circles (which are between 75-80ft / 23-25m), but it was exactly twice the size of the reported diameter for the 1858 Llangollen circle.  Before 1900 most were fairly small, portable stones, but in the early 1900s the stone circles became larger and enabled more elaborate ceremonies.

Michael Freeman’s diagram of the layout of the Llangollen circle with its central Maen Llong and three outliers, type 2d. Source: Early Tourists in Wales

 

The circle at Plas Newydd with the outliers highlighted in red.

Although Stonehenge with its seriously modified uprights and lintels is impressive and influential, most prehistoric stone circles were made of unmodified stones that were chosen for their individual properties before being raised into position, and these have a quite different character from anything as thoroughly transformed as Stonehenge.  The Llangollen Eisteddfod organizers chose the more natural prehistoric circle for their model, as required by the Gorsedd guidelines.  By 1907 they had the technology to batter rocks into a particular form, but they chose to use unaltered stones from local Pengwern Hall.  They deployed vast, natural rocks into an unnatural symmetrical form, and in doing so they effectively bridged between nature and design to create a contained but permeable space in a way that is spectacularly effective.  They It has more in common with the prehistoric stone circles of Cumbria than anything like Stonehenge or Avebury.

Each stone circle, whether prehistoric or modern, big or small, has its own particular personality, and the one at Plas Newydd is impressive both in its scale and in the individual rocks chosen to give it a real presence in the landscape.  The spacing of the stones provide a dual sense of delineation and permeability.  It is easy to see how it can be used as a zone of inclusion-exclusion when the occasion demands, but at the same time it is easy to move through and around, making it a monumental but subtle component of the Plas Newydd gardens that does not block access.  By using products of the natural world to define the space there is the sense that the landscape itself, the hills and valley have been incorporated into the experience, with Castell Dinas Bran above, itself looking like an extension of the landscape.  This is reflected in the Pembroke County Guardian and Cardigan Reporter on 11th September 1908 which commented that the stones were “all massive natural bounders collected from the surrounding mountain sides and so deeply embedded in the soil that they appear to have been planted not by the hand of man but forces of nature.”

In 1907 the new Llangollen Gorsedd circle was erected in what was named the Heritage Field at Plas Newydd and the 1908 Llangollen Royal “Ceiriog” Eisteddfod was proclaimed in June 1907 at a ceremony in the newly built stone circle.  The Llangollen Advertiser described the procession at 1pm:

Archdruid Dyfed (Evan Rees). Source: Wikipedia

Proclamation Ceremony of the Welsh National Eisteddfod of 1908, which is to be held at Llangollen next Autumn, took place yesterday (Thursday), upon the beautiful enclosure at Plas Newydd, kindly placed at the disposal of the organisers by Mr. G.H., Robertson, the owner of the historic residence. A procession was formed in the Smithfield at one o’clock, and consisted of contingents of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, Denbighshire Yeomanry, Worcestershire Militia, Denbighshire Constabulary, Llangollen Fire Brigade, Friendly Societies, Llangollen Urban Council, Tradesmen’s Association, Cymrodorion Society, Lord Lieutenants and representatives of the various public administrative bodies in Denbighshire and the adjoining counties, the Mayors of Aberystwyth, Wrexham, Shrewsbury, Ruthin. Oswestry and Llanfyllin attending in their official robes. There was a very large gathering of Justices of the Peace and the representatives of the Celtic Society deputised to attend were Lord Castletown of Upper Ossory, and Sir William Preece, F.R S., Chairman of the London Committee. Mr. and Mrs. Darley were the representatives of the Dublin Cymric Society and Sir Marchant Williams represented the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion.

After marching through the principal streets of the town the procession entered the beautiful enclosure selected for the interesting ceremony, and a more appropriate site could not possibly have been selected. The beautiful foliage of the surrounding trees in the full glory of summer foliage, the distant view of Castell Dinas Bran, “the most proudly perched ruin” in Britain, the excellently ordered gardens which surround Mr. Robertson’s romantic residence, were among the outstanding features in a picture of singular beauty and interest. After the opening of the Gorsedd by the Archdruid Dyfed; the Rev. Edwards (Gwynydd) offered the Gorsedd prayer; several addresses were delivered. [Llangollen Advertiser, 21st June 1907]

The North Wales Express provided a slightly different version version:

The Llangollen National Eisteddfod of 1908 was proclaimed on Thursday in a storm of wind and rain by the Archdruid Dyfed, and a large concourse of bards and ovates. The procession was very imposing. A choir of school children, drawn from all the elementary and the intermediate school, under the leadership of Mr W. Percerdd Williams, were assembled ready at the Gorsedd portals, and as the Archdruid (Dyfed) and his brilliantly-robed retinue entered they were greeted by a volume of sweet voices, rendering a selection of Welsh airs. The “Corn Hirlais” was gracefully presented by Miss Barbara Robertson, Plas Newydd. and Miss Nanson, while the “Aberthged” was presented as Miss Williams, daughter of the guest Ab Ithel, accompanied by Miss Hughes, Glanynys. A long list of candidates for honorary degrees were invested by the Archdruid, and the usual in memoriam addresses were delivered . . . Mr J. Herbert Roberts, M.P., was admitted a member of the Gorsedd under the designation “Gwenalit.” [North Wales Express, 28th June 1907]

The 1908 Llangollen National Eisteddfod. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

In the 1908 Eisteddfod, opening events were shared between the Gorsedd circle and the pavilion. Most of the newspaper accounts mention that on all but the last day there was pouring rain throughout most of the Gorsedd ceremonies which, as one news paper put it “it being impossible, in the midst of driving showers to secure the attention of the crowd surrounding the Gorsedd circle” [Llangollen Advertiser 11th September 1908].   It was stated in the newspapers that this was one of the wettest Eisteddfodau that anyone could recall, but there was still a terrific attendance.  Even though some of the Gorsedd proceedings had to be held in the pavilion instead of the circle, all were overseen by Archdruid Evan Rees “Dyfed” who had tenure from 1905-1923.  Following on from his landmark predecessor the Congregational minister Rowland Williams “Hwfa Môn”, Archdruid Dyfed wanted to introduced various innovations.  His outlook must have been quite interesting as he had participated in the 1893 International Eisteddfod at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago Illinois, where he won the Bardic chair with an awdl on Jesus of Nazareth.

At the Gorsedd circle the first ceremony was the opening of the event.  Because the event is carried out within full sight of the wider community and visitors it absorbs much of their energy, because the success of the ceremony and pageant are dependent on the crowd.  Part of the ceremony is a call out and response between the Archdruid and the crowd, a call for peace, with a single voice raising the call, and a vast crowd, sometimes of thousands, responding in the affirmative.

However, the Pembroke County Guardian on the 11th September believed that the Thursday’s Gorsedd procession “more than made amends for any shortcomings in Tuesday’s gathering.”  Having made a tour of the whole town, the procession gathered at the circle where the ceremony included a contingent of Patagonians, the two daughters of Ceiriog, and a Welsh national from the Transvaal, all of whom witnessed an honorary Gorsedd degree being awarded to Lady st David (given the bardic name “Goleuni Dyfed” – the light of Pemborkeshire) due to her paper delivered during the Eisteddfod on the subject of the establishment of village societies for the encouragement of art and music.

Archdruid Dyfed at the 1908 Llangollen Eisteddfod. Source: Evening Express

Some of the costs and takings of the Eisteddfod were reported in local newspapers, but there is nothing mentioned about the cost of the circle itself.  It may be that as the stones were provided by the owner of Pengwern Hall, and were delivered using Pengwern transport, the charges may have been absorbed by the estate as a charitable gesture, in the same spirit in which the land where it sits was provided by the owner of Plas Newydd.

Today the meaning of the Gorsedd circle is largely lost on visitors from outside Llangollen.  I have found no signage to explain its significance, and there are no objects to commemorate the event in the museum.  I daresay people come up with their own interpretations, and that’s not necessarily a bad thing, but it would be nice to have some information available to those who might welcome it.  It does give people the freedom to interact with the circle on their own terms.

In 1958, half a century after the 1858 eisteddfod, the Bard’s Memorial was built on the site of previous Plas Newydd owner General Yorke’s peacock house.  This is a commemorative structure, referring to the past but not part of it.  The 1907 circle, quite apart from being so enjoyable, has the added gravitas of having been an integral part of the 1908 National Eisteddfod and remains a very attractive symbol of Welsh determination in the 19th and early 20th centuries to promote its cultural heritage.
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The question of authenticity

Edward Williams was desperate to connect modern Wales with its more magnificent, albeit partly imagined cultural past.  His Gorsedd ceremonies have become an integral part of the National Eisteddfod.  The Gorsedd tradition invented by Williams is based on an entirely inauthentic narrative to promote a particular agenda substantiated by fraudulent documentation.  As Lowenthal says, “The rectified past aims to be seen as the true original . . we alter the past to become part of it as well as to make it our own” (p.328-31) and this is what Williams was attempting.  In many ways his aims were admirable in trying to recover and reinforce a sense of Welsh national identity, but it is difficult to ignore his methods.

Manuscript showing the Gorsedd robes and headgear designed by T.H.Thomas, c.1895. Source: Peoples Collection Wales

Does it matter that in order to build up a sense of Welsh cultural self-worth and identity, Williams lied and forged documents?  This question was asked throughout the later 19th and early 20th centuries, and was addressed at some length in the local media at the time of the 1907 Proclamation ceremony In Llangollen.  On Friday 21st June 1907 a column in the Llangollen Advertiser commented as follows:

In a sense the Proclamation Ceremony is the ornamental side of the Eisteddfod but it is something more than this.  By some it is regarded as a purely archaic survival that might very well be dispensed with or at any rate very considerably reformed” and goes on to suggest that it is very much an important part of the Eisteddfod.  But even this anonymous supporter of the Gorsedd ceremony highlights the great difficulties of determining historical accuracy:  “When one attempts to penetrate into the deeper depths of Bardic Law, and the historical facts and legends upon which it is based, the result is somewhat perplexing and the same differences of opinion and variation of views are manifest in this as in other matters where points of historical accuracy have to be decided and deductions drawn therefrom. [Llangollen Advertiser, 21st June 1907]

At the same time, Sir Marchant Williams gave a speech at the Eisteddfod Proclamation Ceremony that was an impassioned declaration in favour of the Edward Williams version of reality:

An address was delivered by Sir Merchant Williams, who referred to the contempt- with which some Welshmen viewed the proceedings of the Gorsedd, and to the assertion of Professor Morris Jones, of Bangor, that the antiquity of the Gorsedd and its authority were a myth. He said that inquiries by scientific archaeologists proved conclusively that the Gorsedd was flourishing before a single stone was laid of the oldest college in Oxford or Cambridge, and he predicted that the Gorsedd would be flourishing when the colleges- of Oxford and Cambridge were in ruins. Whether it was old in its origin or recent, he loved and cherished it for the simple reason – that it was unique; it characterised and separated the Welsh nation from all other nations under the sun, and re- served to live on that account solely. [North Wales Express, 28th June 1907]

Plaque to Edward Williams (bardic name Iolo Morganwg) on Primrose Hill, London. Source: London Remembers

Because Archdruid Cynan addressed the issue from the 1950s, renouncing all Gorsedd claims to antiquity Druidic connections, and openly acknowledging that it was based on fraudulent claims and manuscripts, there is much less controversy in the ceremonies of the Eisteddfod.  Still, the Druidic robes and objects, however artificial, continue to be part of the pageantry.  Lowenthal believes that many actually enjoy the contrived aspects of modern ceremonial clothing and objects, because they are specially made and designed, a product of the present, something consistent with how people live their lives today, but with a nod of respect to the past, a bit like re-enactment.

Lovely Welsh poet Dannie Abse has rejected the validity of criticism of Edward Williams on the grounds that he was a great scholar and poet, but many of the residents of Primrose Hill seriously resented the new plaque that venerated him on the grounds that he was a blatant fraudster.  In fairness to the plaque, it does not praise Williams, saying simply “This is the site of the first meeting of the Gorsedd of the Bards of the Isle of Britain 22.6.179 / Yma y cyfarfu Gorsedd Beirdd Ynys Prydain gyntaf.”

It cannot be doubted that Williams was an important contributor to the promotion of Welsh culture and the success of the National Eisteddfod.  I suppose that it comes down to whether you believe that the end justifies the means.
xxx

Final Comments

When I set out to write, just for a change, a nice short piece as part 4 of my series on Plas Newydd, departing for the moment from talking about the house itself, and looking instead at the stone circle in its grounds, I had no idea what a complicated story would emerge.  The post turned into yet another exploration of a subject from the roots up, and was infinitely longer than I anticipated when I started it, but it was a fascinating learning curve.

Llangollen Advertiser 1908. Source: National Library of Wales

The concept of the eisteddfod goes back far beyond the introduction in the 18th century of the Gorsedd component, but the two are now, at least at the level of National Eisteddfod, inseparable, and this linkage is what is captured by the stone circles at Plas Newydd and elsewhere.  By rooting the Gorsedd in ideas of antiquity and introducing it to the Eisteddford, Edward Williams found a way of validating and legitimizing Welsh culture and its artistic output.  The new interest in promoting Welsh identity in the 18th century began in London with Welsh nationals living in England, and for decades continued to be influenced by Anglicised Welsh landowners, and by English participants.  By competing against English artists, the Welsh were able to prove their own abilities, but this involved a compromise in which an essentially Welsh festival became bi-national.  In 1909, the year following Llangollen, the National Eisteddfod went to London where, according to The Cardiff Times on 2nd January 1909, it had resulted in the “energising of national life among London Welshmen” and had “secured the hearty co-operation of every section of the Cymric colony in the Metropolis.”

Llangollen Advertiser 1908. Source: National Library of Wales

One of the interesting aspects of the 18th and 19th century Eisteddfodau is that when looked at in more detail, this is often “history from below.”  The involvement of both working class and educated people to compete in Welsh language events gave it a broad social spectrum, albeit exclusively male for some time.  Some of those competing were people who worked with their hands, like miners and carpenters, and although there were also clergy in their number, many of these had equally humble beginnings.

Today the National Eisteddfod continues to be held annually in the first week of August every year, alternating between North Wales and South Wales and since 1950 has become a Welsh language experience and all signage, speeches and competitions have been in Welsh.  To help it to survive, the Eisteddfod Act of 1959 permitted local authorities to provide financial contributions to the event.  This year (2025) it is to be held at the Welsh-English borders near Wrexham from 2nd to 9th August at Isycoed near Holt.   It remains a competition with prizes offered in poetry, prose, music, dance, theatre, social science and Welsh language and is a busy social event with artisan stalls and food vendors.  It will take a pragmatic view on the weather for the Gorsedd ceremonies, as this page from the National Eisteddfod website explains:

When the weather is fine, the ceremonies to welcome new Gorsedd members are held in Cylch yr Orsedd. If the weather is poor, they’re held in the Pavilion.

The Archdruid leads the Gorsedd ceremonies in the Cylch and on the Pavilion stage. New members are welcomed on Monday and Friday mornings at 10:00, and the Crowning, Prose Medal and Chairing ceremonies are held in the Pavilion at 16:00 on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, respectively.

The Plas Newydd Gorsedd Circle has a fascinating story, both as part of the Gorsedd heritage and as a part of Llangollen’s community history.  It is attractive in its own right, and a superb add-on to the unique and fabulous house of Plas Newydd with its lovely stream-side dell.  It has a great personality all of its own, and it is nice to see it being used on an informal basis.  People rest against the stones in sun or shade, some with picnics, some simply relaxing and enjoying their surroundings with its views to the house, the topiary and beyond to Dinas Bran.  In spring the circle is flanked by purple crocuses.  It is a really lovely piece of heritage.

1908 Llangollen Pennillion singing at the Gorsedd on top of the Maen Llong. Source: Peoples Collection Wales (Llangollen Museum, Object Reference 2002_32_28)

xxx

Visiting Details

Visiting details are in Part 1, but if you only want to visit the gardens and the Gorsedd circle, these are free of charge.  The Plas Newydd website is at https://www.denbighshire.gov.uk/en/leisure-and-tourism/museums-and-historic-houses/plas-newydd-llangollen.aspx.  What3Words address for the site is ///occurs.stowing.neck.  Parking at the site is free, but limited.  There is parking in Llangollen, although at the height of the season, parking at the International Eisteddfod stadium is a good idea.  The short walk back into town along the canal is very enjoyable and a great way to experience a small sample of Llangollen’s canal walks.

The Eisteddfod advert for the Parish Church services in the Llangollen Advertiser, featuring the Lord Bishop of Ottawa

Sources

Books and Papers

Arnold, Matthew 1867. On the Study of Celtic Literature. London
https://archive.org/details/onstudyofceltic00arno/page/n5/mode/2up

Bender, Barbara 1998. Stonehenge. Making Space.  Berg

Cresswell, Tim 2015 (2nd edition). Place. An Introduction. Wiley Blackwell.

Davies, John 2007 (3rd edition). A History of Wales. Penguin.

Edwards, Hywel Teifi 1990, 2016. The Eisteddfod.  University of Wales Press

Fagan, Garrett G. 2006.  Diagnosing Pseudoarchaeology. The attraction of non-rational in archaeological hypotheses. In Fagan (ed.). Archaeological Fantasies. Routledge, p.47-70

Farley, Julia and Fraser Hunter 2015. Celts: art and identity. The British Museum and National Museums of Scotland

Flemming, N.C. 2006. The attraction of non-rational archaeological hypotheses.  The individual and sociological factors. In (ed.) Garrett G. Fagan. Archaeological Fantasies, Routledge, p.47-70

Fowle, Francis 2015. Chapter 10. The Celtic Revival in Britain and Ireland. Reconstructing the Past c.AD1600-1920.  In Farley, Julia and Fraser Hunter 2015 (eds.), Celts: art and identity. The British Museum and National Museums of Scotland, p.236-259.

Green, Miranda J. 1997. Exploring the World of the Druids. Thames and Hudson

Hewison, R. 1987. The Heritage Industry. Methuen

Hobsbawm, Eric 1983. Introduction: Inventing Traditions. In Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.). The Invention of Tradition.  Cambridge University Press, p.16-43

Hobsbawm, Eric and T. Ranger 1983.  The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press

Holtorf, Cornelius 2005. From Stonehenge to Las Vegas.  Archaeology as Popular Culture. Altamira Press

Hughes, Bettina 2006.  Pseudoarchaeology and nationalism. Essentializing the Difference.  In (ed.) Garrett G. Fagan. Archaeological Fantasies, Routledge

Jenkins, Geraint H. 2007. A Concise History of Wales. Cambridge University Press

Kemp, Barry 2010. Druids. A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press

Kightly, Charles 2003.  Castell Dinas Brân Llangollen.  Denbighshire County Council (bilingual booklet with excellent illustrations, artist reconstructions, photographs and information)

Lovata, Troy 2007. Inauthentic Archaeologies.  Public Uses and Abuses of the Past. Left Coast Press

Lynch, Frances, 2000. The Later Neolithic and Earlier Bronze Age.  In (eds.) Frances Lynch, Stephen Aldhouse-Green and Jeffrewy L. Davies.  Sutton, p.79-138.

Morgan, Prys 1983. From a Death to a View: The Hunt for the Welsh Past in the Romantic Period. In Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.). The Invention of Tradition.  Cambridge University Press, p.16-43

Morris, Jan 1984. The Matter of Wales: Epic Views of a Small Country. Oxford University Press

Piggott, Stuart 1950.  William Stukeley. An Eighteenth Century Antiquary. Oxford Clarendon Press
https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.27266/page/n5/mode/2up

Roberts, Alice 2015. The Celts. Search for a Civilization. Heron Books

Rowlands, Henry.  Mona Antiqua Restaurata.
https://archive.org/details/bim_eighteenth-century_mona-antiqua-restaurata_rowlands-henry_1723

Stukeley, William 1740. A Temple Restor’d to the British Druids. London

Tanner, Marcus 2004. The Last of the Celts.  Yale University Press

Tilley, Christopher 2004. The Materiality of Stone.  Explorations in Phenomenology. Berg

Tregellas, Walter 1864. Castell Dinas Bran Near Llangollen, Denbighshire. The Archaeological Journal, 21, p.114–120
https://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archiveDS/archiveDownload?t=arch-1132-1/dissemination/pdf/021/021_114_120.pdf

Trigger, Bruce G. 1996, 2nd edition. A History of Archaeological Thought.  Cambridge University Press

 

Websites

Amgueddfa Cymru / National Museum of Wales
History of the Welsh Eisteddfodau
https://museum.wales/curatorial/social-cultural-history/online-collections/what-is-the-eisteddfod/
‘Our own pageantry and peacockry‘: the Gorsedd of the Bards
https://museum.wales/articles/1139/Our-own-pageantry-and-peacockry-the-Gorsedd-of-the-Bards/
Gorsedd Symbols and Regalia
https://museum.wales/articles/1136/Scrolls-swords-and-mystic-marks/

Titus Omega via Art Nouveau Style
Arts and crafts/Art nouveau crown given to the winner of the free verse competition at the National Eisteddfod of Wales by Philip & Thomas Vaughton 1908
https://artnouveaustyle.tumblr.com/page/94

Based In Churton 
Plas Newydd (3-part series)
https://basedinchurton.co.uk/category/llangollen/plas-newydd-llangollen/

BBC News
The Treason of the Blue Books. By Phil Carradice, 21st January 2011
https://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/waleshistory/2011/01/treason_of_the_blue_books.html
Iolo Morganwg: Scholar, antiquarian and forger.  By Phil Carradice, 9th March 2011
https://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/waleshistory/2011/03/iolo_morganwg_scholar_antiquarian_forger.html

Camden New Journal
Park objectors say Welsh hero was a criminal. By Tom Foot, 1st October 2009
https://www.thecnj.com/camden/2009/100109/news100109_03.html

Coflein
Gorsedd Circle, Plas Newydd grounds, Llangollen
https://coflein.gov.uk/en/site/800631/

Dictionary of Welsh Biography
Edward Williams (Iolo Morganw, 1747-1826), poet and antiquary (by Griffith John Williams and revised by the editorial team 2024)
https://biography.wales/article/s-WILL-EDW-1747#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0&manifest=https%3A%2F%2Fdamsssl.llgc.org.uk%2Fiiif%2F2.0%2F4672175%2Fmanifest.json&xywh=1184%2C787%2C1567%2C1265
WILLIAMS, JOHN JAMES (1869 – 1954), minister (Congl.) and poet (by Evan David Jones)
https://biography.wales/article/s2-WILL-JAM-1869
DAVIES, HUGH EMYR (1878 – 1950), minister (Presb.) and poet (by Reverend Gomer Morgan Roberts)
https://biography.wales/article/s2-DAVI-EMY-1878
REES, EVAN (Dyfed; 1850 – 1923), Calvinistic Methodist minister, poet, and archdruid of Wales
https://biography.wales/article/s-REES-EVA-1850?&query=archdruid%20evan%20rees&lang%5B%5D=en&sort=score&order=desc&rows=12&page=1

Early Tourists in Wales
18th and 19th Century Stone Circles
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/
Gorsedd stone circles / Cylchoedd Cerrig yr Orsedd
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/gorsedd-circles/
Early Plans of Gorsedd Circles
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/gorsedd-circles/early-plans-of-gorsedd-circles/
Lists of Gorsedd Circles (including full details of the Llangollen 1908 circle)
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/gorsedd-circles/list-of-gorsedd-circles/
Plas Newydd – Gorsedd Circle (short note)
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/mansions-and-grounds/ladies-of-llangollen/plas-newydd-gorsedd-circle/

Eisteddfod Wales
Gorsedd Cymru
https://eisteddfod.wales/gorsedd-cymru
Chair Winners
https://eisteddfod.wales/chair-winners
Crown Winners
https://web.archive.org/web/20191107194429/https://eisteddfod.wales/archive/eisteddfod-winners/crown-winners

The Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion
https://www.cymmrodorion.org/

The Iolo Morganwg Project
https://iolomorganwg.wales.ac.uk/index.php

Llangollen
Eisteddfod Fawr Llangollen
https://www.llangollen.org.uk/index.php/things-to-do/history/eisteddfod-bards/item/57-isteddfod-fawr-llangollen

The National Library of Wales
The Blue Books of 1847
https://www.library.wales/discover-learn/digital-exhibitions/printed-material/the-blue-books-of-1847

People’s Collection Wales
Iolo Morganwg
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/content/iolo-morganwg-1747-1826
Augusta Hall (‘Lady Llanover’) (1802-1896)
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/content/bee-gwent
Doubters and critics
https://www.peoplescollection.wales/content/eisteddfod-and-gorsedd-join-forces

RCAHMW
The Intrigue of the National Eisteddfod Gorsedd Stone Circle. By Bethan Hopkins-Williams, 31st July 2024
https://rcahmw.gov.uk/the-intrigue-of-the-national-eisteddfod-gorsedd-stone-circle/

Welsh Newspapers – National Library of Wales
Aberystwyth Observer
Welsh National Eisteddfod at Llangollen, 10th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3050509/3050512/14/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod%2BAND%2BEisteddfod%2BOR%2B1908%2BOR%2Bresults?from=search
Cambrian News and Merionethshire Standard
The National Eisteddfod, 11th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3411012/3411014/12/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Cardiff Times
The Eisteddfod Result. 12th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3434323/3434329/151/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Bardism in 1908. A Notable Year. The Cardiff Times, 2nd January 1909
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3434531/3434535/85/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Chester Courant and Advertiser for North Wales
The National Eisteddfod, 11th September 1808
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3411012/3411014/12/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Llangollen Advertiser
Proclaiming the Eisteddfod, 21st June 1907
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3177952/3177956 
Eisteddfod Collections and Recollections, 11th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3178435/3178440
North Wales Express
The 1908 Eisteddfod, 28th June 1907
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3571672/3571675/16/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search
Pembroke County Guardian and Cardigan Reporter
The National Eisteddfod at Llangollen, 11th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/4251539/4251545/66/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod?from=search 
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/4251539/4251545
Weekly Mail
Friends and Critics, 5th September 1908
https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3379083/3379089/112/1908%2BOR%2Beisteddfod%2BAND%2BEisteddfod%2BOR%2B1908%2BOR%2Bresults?from=search

Gorsedd circle at Plas Newydd. Peoples Collection Wales

 

Julian Baum’s fascinating Festival of Ideas presentation about the geology and archaeology of the Dee

Many thanks to professional visual effects and 3-D graphics modeller and independent researcher Julian Baum for a really fascinating presentation about new research into the River Dee.

One of Julian Baum’s beautiful reconstructions of Deva and its outer buildings in the mid 3rd Century, based on data from archaeological excavations, showing the Roman town in the context of the river and the widening estuary beyond.

The talk focused on how the Dee’s formation, archaeology and several historic maps have raised a number of questions about the Roman river.  Julian made it very clear that the presentation would consist of a number of hypothetical scenarios based on observable features, none of which can yet be fully supported by the available data.  He and his fellow investigators Rod Hobbs and Peter France have been compiling their data for the last six years, and have produced a 17,000 word paper that has been sent out to experts on Roman stonework and hydraulic engineering for consideration.  As they continue to assemble responses to their proposals, the team are also looking for opportunities to work with other specialists to extract more data from the field.  So, accepting that these ideas need more data to test the hypotheses presented today, what are the questions being asked?

The presentation followed the formation of a new research group, which met in June for the first time and included specialists in a number of relevant fields.  A great many questions were asked at that meeting, but the two overarching research questions are as follows:

1) What do we know about the geology and geomorphology of the Dee valley in the Chester area? Although multiple glaciations impacted the underlying geology of Britain, it was the impact of the last glaciation that is of most interest for the second question.

2) What do we know about Chester and the nearby archaeology, from the prehistoric to early Medieval periods, with particular focus, initially, on the Roman period?

Julian Baum’s presentation then went on to introduce the geology and glacial history of the Dee valley before going on to describe three key archaeological questions.

The Chester weir

First, how old is Chester’s remarkable weir?  Traditionally it has been dated  to the Norman period when the notorious Hugh d’Avranches, better known as Hugh Lupus, began to introduce substantial architectural and civil engineering works to develop a strong economic, religious and social foundation for Chester.  There can be no doubt that Hugh Lupus undertook works on the weir.  What is less certain is if he was the first to establish a weir here.  The proposal by Julian Baum, Rod Hobbs and Peter France, just an intriguing theory at this stage, is that the weir may have been a Roman innovation, mirroring hydraulic works elsewhere in the empire, required to raise the level of the river upstream to enable the vast barges carrying essential building materials from Holt.  The initial round of research described in the presentation has produced considerable quantities of data about the river bed, about post-glacial sea levels and tidal information, as well as looking at all the available archaeological data published to date.  Divers have been consulted and the river boat captains have provided invaluable information about their own experiences with the river depth today, as well as seasonal variations in the navigability of the river.  As the presentation emphasized, much more research is required to test this proposal.  An academic paper has been written by the three researchers and is currently being circulated amongst specialist in the field, who have all expressed an interest in assessing the hypothesis.

The Braun map of 1571

The second question concerns two 16th century maps of the Roodee that show that the north western edge was an almost straight line. How can this straight line be explained?  Building on earlier archaeological discoveries the same researchers propose that this edge may have marked the position of a very long Roman timber jetty.  The line of wall usually identified as the old Roman quay near the modern HQ building at the east of the Roodee has been widely discredited, so the question of where the Roman quay was located remains open.  This proposal makes a great deal of sense, but it too needs testing, and Julian Baum proposed a number of ways in which this could be done using specialist equipment and taking advantage of the upcoming building works at the Roodee.  An interesting corollary to the proposal is that if there was indeed a jetty there, supported on presumably vast timbers, and of a width to enable wheeled vehicles and horses to reach ships moored up along its length, its collapse would have created a major disruption to river flow, and could have had a considerable impact on the silting of the river.

Chester amphitheatre

The third question concerns the archaeology of Chester and its environs prior to the arrival of the Romans.  Iron Age remains were found during the amphitheatre excavations of the 1980s, and there are other indications that there was a healthy Iron Age presence in the area before (and when) the Romans arrived.  This data needs to be collated before it can be assessed, and this is another aim of the research group.

All findings will be made available online on a dedicated website that is currently being built.  The website address will be made available as soon as it is launched.

With many thanks to Julian Baum and other team members, who were present on the day, for such a fascinating presentation.